scholarly journals Islam and State: A Study on Al-Mawardi and An-Nabhani’s thought and its Compatibility in Indonesian Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-260
Author(s):  
Fathor Rohman ◽  
M Hilali Basya ◽  
Sopa Sopa

Even though study concerning Islam and politics has been conducted by many researchers, few of them investigating about compatibility of Islamic political thoughts, which originated from the classical and medieval periods that have been influencing Islamic political movements and thoughts in Indonesia, with Indonesian context. Thoughts of Imam al-Mawardi (lived in the 12th Century) and Taqiyuddin al-Nabhani (lived in the 20th Century) are some of them that should be mentioned in this regard. Islamic political thoughts of al-Mawardi become the main reference for Sunni Muslims who are majority in Indonesia, while Islamic political thought of al-Nabhani become the main guidance of HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) movement of which its members and followers are many in Indonesia. This article investigates about the political thoughts of al-Mawardi and al-Nabhani concerning the relationship between Islam and state as well as their compatibility with Indonesian context. This study uses the library research in which its primary resources are books written by al-Mawardi entitled Al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyah and al-Nabhani entitled Ad-Daulah al-Islamiyah. By utilizing qualitative content analysis, data were collected and analyzed. This article argues that the Islamic political thought of al-Mawardi has been adopted by majority of Indonesian Sunni Muslims with some adjustments with Indonesian context, so that his thoughts become compatible with the concept of modern nation-state of Indonesia.  On the other side, Islamic political thought of al-Nabhani which developed within a spirit of resistance to Western (European) colonialism has been adopted and campaigned by HTI without adjustment with Indonesian context. This causes al-Nabhani’s thought clashes with the concept of modern nation-state of Indonesia.

POLITEA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Abdulloh Hamid ◽  
Darwis Darwis ◽  
Santi Andriyani

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">Labelling <em>cebong</em> and <em>kampret</em> among supporters of Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto has been stronger in political phenomenon of Indonesia. This research aims to compare the political polarization after death of Prophet Muhammad with political polarization which is happening right now in Indonesia by using approach of Islamic political thought. This research also used library research as methodology of research to analyse the equal between bhoth phenomena in order to take lesson from the old phenomenon in mainting the unity of people in contemporary phenomenon exactly in Indonesia. The research found that to gain political power always cause polarization and conflict among people within society. Indonesian must learn from it to safeguard the unity of Indnesia as nation state</span></p><span>           Keywords: Cebong, Kampret, Politic, Islamic Political Thought</span>


Author(s):  
Tomas Borovinsky

In the present paper we intend to rethink the “Jewish question”, in the context of religion’s secularization and the modern nation-state crisis, in Hannah Arendt’s political thought. She writes, on the other hand, in and over the decline of modern nation-states that expel and denationalize both foreign citizens and their own depending on the case. She also thinks as a Jew from birth who suffers persecutions and particularly theorizes on her Jew condition and the future of Judaism before and after the creation of the State of Israel. As we will see during this paper we can identify these three issues all together, particularly in the Zionist experience: modern secularization, decline of the nation-state and the “Jewish question”. And it is from these intertwined elements that we can draw a critical thinking for a politics of pluralism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 307
Author(s):  
Robitul Firdaus

Abstract In the study of Islamic political thought, the relation between Islam and nationalism has been a relevant topic to be discussed. This is at least due to two factors. Firstly, there is a concept of ummah in Islam which is considered in contrary with the ideology of nationalism. While ummah is characterized with the solidarity in the name of faith, nationalism is of nationality and geographical borders. Secondly, nationalism and nation state have become a reality accepted by all modern states, including Muslim states. Accordingly, it is assumed that being a loyal Muslim and a good citizen at the same time is impossible. This article is aimed at offering an interface between nationalism and ummah by adopting the positive sides of both. To place nationalism and ummah in a binary opposition is not useful and against the reality. As a result, it is concluded that nationalism can be an asset to achieve the unity and cooperation, particularly in the struggle for independence. However, nationalism can also be a narrow ideology which leads to the negative fanaticism. In this context, the sentiment of ummah can be used as a religious guidance in minimazing and preventing the practice of narrow nationalism. The concept of ummah ensures that a religious bond should be respected besides the bond which is based on the territorial border. On the other hand, nationalism could prevent the sentiment of ummah from falling to religious extremism. Finally, the interface between nationalism and ummah may be applied differently among various Muslim countries.       Keywords: Nationalism, Ummah, and Nation State.   Abstrak Dalam studi pemikiran politik Islam, relasi antara Islam dan nasionalisme menjadi topik yang masih menarik untuk didiskusikan. Hal ini setidaknya disebabkan oleh dua hal: Pertama, terdapat konsep ummah dalam doktrin Islam yang diyakini berseberangan dengan ide nasionalisme. Ummah meniscayakan solidaritas atas dasar keimanan, sedang nasionalisme mendasarkan pada faktor kebangsaan dan batasan geografis. Kedua, nasionalisme dan negara bangsa merupakan realitas yang dipraktekkan di semua negara modern, termasuk negara-negara Muslim. Sehingga timbul anggapan bahwa tidak mungkin seorang Muslim yang baik dapat sekaligus menjadi warga negara yang baik. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menawarkan titik temu antara konsep nasionalisme dan ummah dengan mengambil sisi positif dari keduanya. Meletakkan nasionalisme dan ummah dalam posisi yang bertentangan selain tidak produktif juga bertentangan dengan realitas yang ada. Hasil studi ini menyimpulkan bahwa nasionalisme dapat menjadi modal dalam menuju persatuan dan kerja sama, terutama kaitannya dalam perjuangan kemerdekaan. Meskipun, nasionalisme di sisi lain juga dapat menjadi ideologi sempit yang mengarah pada fanatisme negatif. Di sinilah, sentimen ummah dapat digunakan untuk menjadi panduan agama dalam meminimalisasi dan mencegah praktek nasionalisme sempit. Konsep ummah memastikan bahwa terdapat ikatan keagamaan yang harus dihormati selain ikatan berdasar batasan teritorial. Di sisi lain, nasionalisme mencegah sentimen ummah untuk terjerumus ke dalam ektrimisme agama. Akhirnya, batasan kerjasama dan titik temu antara nasionalisme dan ummah mungkin diaplikasikan berbeda-beda antara satu negara Muslim dengan yang lain. Kata Kunci: Nasionalisme, Ummah, dan Negara Bangsa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Kisno Hadi ◽  
May Linda Sari

<em>This article describes on radical fundamentalism group named Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Fundamentalism is a concept, an idea that lives in political thought and religious political movement which is  recognized blooming out in Indonesia as a side product of reformation era in 1998. Because of its ideology was consider as an opposite to Indonesian ideology and law, HTI  then disbandment by  Indonesian government. This  article is a library research that uses a descriptive qualitative method. There are three Research results i.e., firstly, radical fundamentalism is a thought and a religious-political movement of a group that strictly carries  out religious teachings. And these concepts exist in all religions. Secondly, although activities and political movements of HTI were stopped by government, its concept and movement are still running by many other religious group. And thirdly, the thought and political movement of HTI and other religious fundamentalist groups needs to be criticized to add insight into ideology.</em><br /><br /><strong>Key words:</strong> Radical Fundamentalism, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, Religious Thought and Political Movement.<br /><br />


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (03) ◽  
pp. 263-270
Author(s):  
Syed Zeeshan Haider Zaidi ◽  

In Islam this is Gods right to rule over man and he gave this right according to Sunni Islam to everyone who possesses some abilities mentioned in books written by jurists but Shia Muslims believe that not only God is legitimate authority, He also appointed specific persons for political leadership after prophet Mohammad (peace upon him), they are twelve Imam the last Imam Mahdi(peace upon him) went to major occultation in 941 and till sixteenth century Shia Muslims could not establish government like Safivids dynasty in Iran.The rise of the modern nation-state in the Middle East in the early 20 century led to debates around the role of the clergy in the state and the nature of an Islamic state There was a controversial debate about constitution, is it legitimated according to Islam or not? In the responseTanbih al ummah va Tanzih al Millahwas written by Mirza Naini. He supported the idea of making constitution and legitimacy of assembly where representatives of people can do legislation because these two can control kings selfishness and make him away from tyranny. He also accepted concept of nation-state and proved that these concepts are not bidah.(condemnable innovation in religion)He believed in equality of common people with rulers along with their right of freedom.


2019 ◽  
pp. 107-129
Author(s):  
أ.م.د.امل هندي كاطع ◽  
م.د.اياد حسين

The political movements of Islam are among the most prominent phenomena of the popular uprisings witnessed by the Arab world. However, this rise and the rise of some movements led to many problems on the political theses of Islam, especially those associated with the ideas of Islamic ideologues and their slogan Legitimacy and the authorities as the origin of the divine, and said the application to achieve the Islamic solution, and then became the state in theses of some Islamists a tool to apply the law and then the preservation of religion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-90
Author(s):  
Ovamir Anjum

The work of Talal Asad, in particular his two landmark volumes Genealogiesof Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianityand Islam (1993) and Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam,Modernity (2004), has given new life to critical study of secularismand the idea of “religion” across the disciplines of anthropology, politicalscience, religion, history, and colonial studies. In fact my firstpublished article, “Islam as a Discursive Tradition” (2007), was amethodological inquiry into efforts to conceptualize Islam, focalizedthrough the work of Asad and his interlocutors. The preface tomy 2012 book on Islamic political thought remarked my broaderindebtedness to Asad’s notion of “discursive tradition” (against simpleaccounts of the “politicization” of modern Islam). Shortly afterthe book was published, in June 2012, I conducted a dialogue withProfessor Asad in his Manhattan apartment, unique also for beinga dialogue between an anthropologist and an intellectual historian.Our conversation spanned topics of mutual interest: secularismand the nation-state, democracy, Islamic tradition, the questions ofreform and coercion, and too (what was at the time) Egypt’s newrevolution and so the possibilities and limits of Islamist politics.Since then, Asad has published articles which touch on themes wediscussed (for example, the pair of 2015 essays in Critical Inquiry41:2 and 42:1), and a few other interviews have appeared in whichhe also reflects on his intellectual trajectory and methodologicalconsiderations (see in particular the interviews by Fadi Bardawiland by Basit Kareem Iqbal). Now, nearly six years later after theytook place, AJISS publishes an edited transcript of our 2012 conversations,both for their remarkable theoretical and biographicalcandor and for how, when read in relationship to the essays he haspublished since then, they make visible the development of a sustainedargument regarding “tradition” and the project of modernity ...


Paragraph ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
HEIDRUN FRIESE

The arrival of migrants in search of a better life puts forward urgent questions for social and political thought. Historically, hospitality has been considered as a religious duty, a sacred commandment of charity and generosity to assign strangers a place — albeit ambivalent — in the community. With the development of the modern nation state, these obligations have been inscribed into the procedures of political deliberation and legislation that determine the social spaces of aliens, residents and citizens. Current debates are tied to notions of justice which question borders and undermine the congruence of citizenship, territory and belonging that make up modern nation states. These debates focus on the rights of others and the demands of unconditional hospitality, an absolute requirement on one hand, and political and legal limitations on the other. The paper will critically engage with these debates, and evidence the tensions and limits inherent in current notions of hospitality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-242
Author(s):  
Imron Mustofa

This article suggests some common opinions on Muslim’s worldview, which became the center of contention. This gives rise to perspective which states that the religion participation in government will bring the world of politics into the arena of theo-centrism that ends in authoritarianism. The research is qualitative, based on library research. The approach used is descriptive critical analysis. It aims to describe factual dynamics on Indonesian social-politic from philosophical point of view. The research finds that, on the second half of twentieth century, Nurcholish Madjid’s renewal idea on Islamic political thought (secularization) gets a variety of responses. Madjid suggested the need to separate religion from social-politic arena with his slogan, ‘Islam Yes, Islamic party No’.  The basis of the idea is built on the concept of rationality as the main authority in the social science paradigm. Ideas or dogma, meanwhile, is part of historical development which has to be submissive to conditions that always change. Everything that “exist” has to change, the only absolute one is the change itself.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document