The African Union: Comparing institutional challenge to protect the interest of member state with the Arab league

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xi Chen ◽  
Yeheys Nardos Hawaz
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-82
Author(s):  
Sujan Chandra Paul ◽  
Md Harun Or Rosid ◽  
Mohammad Rakibul Islam ◽  
Refat Ferdous

This study investigates the relationship between Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and some macroeconomic variables such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Gross Capital Formation (GCF), Agriculture, Forestry, and Fishing (AFF), Industry, Import, Export, Inflation and Unemployment rate. Panel Data of 14 regional alliances countries from 1990-2018 were collected from The World Bank website. Robust regression models are used in this study. This research found that GDP had significant positive relationship with FDI in all regions except Arab League, EU and G7 countries. GCF had significant positive relationship with FDI in Arab League, BRI, GATT, NAFTA countries & negative relationship in APEC, G7 countries. AFF had significant positive relationship with FDI in BRICS, GATT countries & negative relationship in African Union, ASEAN, BIMSTEC, BRI, BRICS, SAFTA countries. Industry had significant positive relationship with FDI in African Union, BRI, NAFTA, OECD countries and negative relationship in BRICS, G7, G20 countries. Import had significant positive relationship with FDI in African Union, APEC, Arab League, ASIAN, BRI, G7, G20, GATT countries and negative relationship in BRICS countries. Export had significant positive relationship with FDI in BRICS countries and negative relationship in African Union, ASEAN, BRI, G20, GATT, OECD, SAFTA countries. Inflation had significant positive relationship with FDI in GATT, SAFTA countries and negative relationship in African Union, APEC countries. Unemployment rate had significant positive relationship with FDI in African Union, BRI, BRICS, EU, G20, GATT, OECD, SAFTA countries and negative relationship in ASEAN countries.


2007 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 666-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Zeray W Yihdego

Somalia has been without government since 1991. A transitional government was established in 2004 under the presidency of Abdullahi Yusuf, with the backing of the United Nations, the African Union (AU), the Arab League and the Inter-governmental Agency for Development (IGAD). The Government sat in Baidoa in southern Somalia from June 2005 until December 2006. In June 2006 the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) took control of much of southern and central Somalia, including the capital, Mogadishu, but not Puntland and Somaliland. They declared and tried to establish an Islamic State. Somalis were told to comply with stringent Islamic rules or face harsh punishment. In the meantime, efforts to achieve national reconciliation were ongoing under the auspices of IGAD, though without much success. It was reported that on 20 July 2006 Ethiopian troops crossed into Somalia. Ethiopia only admitted to having military trainers to help the Somali Government (estimated to be 400 military personnel). On 21 July, the UIC declared a ‘holy war’ against Ethiopia. In September 2006 the Somali interim President survived an assassination attempt in Baidoa. On 25 October 2006 Ethiopia said that it was ‘technically at war’ with the Islamic Courts. After few days the UIC claimed to have ambushed and killed Ethiopian troops near the Ethiopian border.1


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-235
Author(s):  
Magnus Lundgren

Studies of conflict management by international organizations have demonstrated correlations between institutional characteristics and outcomes, but questions remain as to whether these correlations have causal properties. To examine how institutional characteristics condition the nature of international organization interventions, I examine mediation and ceasefire monitoring by the Arab League and the United Nations during the first phase of the Syrian civil war (2011–2012). Using micro-evidence sourced from unique interview material, day-to-day fatality statistics, and international organization documentation, I detail causal pathways from organizational characteristics, via intervention strategies, to intervention outcomes. I find that both international organizations relied on comparable intervention strategies. While mediating, they counseled on the costs of conflict, provided coordination points, and managed the bargaining context so as to sideline spoilers and generate leverage. While monitoring, they verified violent events, engaged in reassurance patrols, and brokered local truces. The execution of these strategies was conditioned on organizational capabilities and member state preferences in ways that help explain both variation in short-term conflict abatement and the long-term failure of both international organizations. In contrast to the Arab League, the United Nations intervention, supported by more expansive resources and expertise, temporarily shifted conflict parties away from a violent equilibrium. Both organizations ultimately failed as disunity among international organization member state principals cut interventions short and reduced the credibility of international organization mediators.


Author(s):  
Roberts Ivor

This chapter explores other pertinent international and regional organizations not explored in Chapter 20. These are: the Commonwealth, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Council of Europe, the Organization of American States (OAS), the African Union (AU), the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Francophonie, the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). These organizations are formed with myriad goals in mind: for economic and trade purposes, for exercising human rights, for ensuring security, among others. The organizations explored in this chapter also encompass a diverse set of regions and geographies. Each organization is discussed here in terms of its structures, influence, historical backgrounds, membership, and functions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
Yayew Genet Chekol

This paper aimed at investigating the rationalities, Challenges and prospects of Africa Union institutional reforms agendas. The paper has been analysed by using the documentary source of data. The institutional reforms of the African Union (AU) have gained significant prominence in recent years within the framework of promoting regional integration and strengthening the African collective action. Africa has witnessed significant changes over the past two decades on several fronts, which has made reforming the AU more urgent than ever before. The main attention of the institutional reform is its focus on key priorities with continental scope, realign AU institutions to deliver against those priorities, manage the AU efficiently at both political and operational levels and finance the AU ourselves and sustainably. However, having these focus areas with prospects, challenges facing the institutional reform agenda are prevailed and needs homogenous intervention amongst member State for real implementation of the AU reform.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamdy A. Hassan

This article gives an overview of the Comoro Islands and the struggle and obstacles in building a unified nation-state. This often-overlooked member of the Arab League has been rocked by no fewer than 19 coup- and coup attempts characterized by mercenary intervention, especially that of Robert Denard, and French post-colonial involvement. The article covers historical and major inter-island politics and issues of national concern; involvement with the Arab League and the African Union; as well as succession crises and important Comorian leaders including Ahmed Abdullah, Mohammed Bacar and Maoist Ali Soilih.


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