On the Island Repair in Korean Fragments

2016 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 21-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bum Sik Park ◽  
Hyosik Kim 
Keyword(s):  
Island Repair

Condition C reconstruction, clausal ellipsis and island repair

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 1515-1544
Author(s):  
Masaya Yoshida ◽  
David Potter ◽  
Tim Hunter
Keyword(s):  
Island Repair ◽  
Condition C

Sluicing, Idioms, and Island Repair

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 651-668 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isaac Rottman ◽  
Masaya Yoshida
Keyword(s):  
Resumptive Pronouns ◽  
Island Repair

In this article, we investigate idiom reconstruction in the context of sluicing constructions. We demonstrate that some idioms in English are not compatible with resumptive pronouns. On the basis of this observation, we argue that sluicing involves wh-gap dependencies rather than wh-resumptive pronoun dependencies, and that the island amelioration effect of sluicing does not result primarily from the island amelioration effect of resumptive pronouns.

Successive-Cyclic Movement and Island Repair: The Difference between Sluicing and VP-Ellipsis

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Fox ◽  
Howard Lasnik
Keyword(s):  
Null Hypothesis ◽  
Special Property ◽  
Landing Site ◽  
Island Repair ◽  
Cyclic Movement ◽  
Vp Ellipsis ◽  
Antecedent Clause ◽  
The Difference

It is well known that in sluicing constructions wh-dependencies can cross certain projections that are otherwise barriers to movement (Ross 1969, Chomsky 1972). This fact would follow under the assumption that the relevant barriers are somehow deactivated when phonologically deleted (“island repair”). The problem, however, is that another form of phonological deletion (VP-ellipsis; VPE) seems to be impossible in certain contexts where sluicing allows for island repair (Chung, Ladusaw, and McCloskey 1995, Merchant 2001). Nevertheless, we argue against the conclusion that island repair is a special property of sluicing. The argument is based on two observations. First, the difference between sluicing and VPE seems too broad to warrant the conclusion that island repair is the distinguishing factor (Lasnik 2001). Second, the conclusion is directly refuted by other VPE environments where island repair is possible (Kennedy and Merchant 2000; Fox, in preparation). The argument leaves us with a puzzle that we attempt to resolve while still maintaining the null hypothesis that VPE and sluicing involve the same operation of deletion, differing only in the size of the deleted constituent. Our proposed resolution capitalizes on a special property of the relevant sluicing contexts—namely, the presence of an indefinite NP in the antecedent clause in a position parallel to that of a trace in the elided clause. We argue that given the parallelism conditions on ellipsis, this fact prevents the wh-phrase in the elided clause from undergoing successive-cyclic movement. The remaining option (one-fell-swoop movement) requires the deletion of all barriers, including those that would otherwise be circumvented via an intermediate landing site. Such deletion occurs in sluicing but not in VPE, which targets a smaller constituent.

scholarly journals Island Repair by Pseudo-Resumption

2010 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-670
Author(s):  
Jeong-Shik Lee
Keyword(s):  
Island Repair
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