scholarly journals Migrantes centroamericanos en México: entre la violencia y los abusos de las políticas de control fronterizo en Estados Unidos/ Central American immigrants in Mexico: located among violences and the American abusive border control policies

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paola Ileana De la Rosa Rodriguez ◽  
Lahys Sandy Antony Maia
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
Central American ◽  
Border Control ◽  
Control Policies ◽  
Immigrants And Refugees ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
The People ◽  
Central American Immigrants

La oleada migratoria centroamericana que pasa por México rumbo a Estados Unidos es involuntaria y compleja. Este fenómeno migratorio transnacional y cambiante resulta lucrativo para los más interesados en oprimir, victimizar y explotar a las personas que se encuentran en un contexto de movilidad. El desplazamiento forzado, como es el caso de la mayoría de los migrantes centroamericanos, es una condición que envuelve un riesgo inminente para sus vidas y les hacen estar en constante situación de vulnerabilidad, ya sea en su lugar de origen, por las masivas violaciones de los derechos humanos; en el país de tránsito a causa de la violencia o por la probable xenofobia, rechazo, discriminación y racismo, que van a experimentar en el país de destino. Migratory waves taking off in Central America and going through Mexico towards United States are involuntary and complex movements. This multifactorial phenomenon has become a lucrative business for those interested in oppressing, exploiting and abusing the people who move from one country to another. Unfortunately, immigrants’ vulnerable condition is evident both in their home countries and in their destination countries. This article aims at explaining the violence and State abuses Central American migrants suffer. With this purpose, it criticizes the policies taken by governors since they are inconsistent with the legal instruments and regulations that are in force and whose goal is to protect immigrants and refugees.

scholarly journals De migrantes a desamparados. Estudio de los migrantes indocumentados en la frontera Petén-Tabasco. [From migrants to dismissed. Study of undocumented migrants at the Petén-Tabasco border]

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-103
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Bolio Ortiz ◽  
Héctor Joaquin Bolio Ortiz ◽  
Kiry Rebeca Vences Solis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Central American ◽  
Undocumented Migrants ◽  
Derechos Humanos

El presente artículo presenta la situación de los migrantes centroamericanos hacia México y los Estados Unidos. El estudio se centra en el caso de la frontera Petén- Tabasco, bajo la perspectiva de los Derechos Humanos y a través del trabajo de campo, se constata la situación de vulnerabilidad en la que se encuentran los migrantes, quienes con el sueño de mejorar su situación económica terminan pasando por diversos obstáculos en su recorrido.Palabras clave: Migración, Centroamérica, derechosAbstractThis article presents the situation of Central American migrants to Mexico and the United States. We focus on the case of the Petén-Tabasco border, from the perspective of Human Rights and through fieldwork, we can see the situation of vulnerability in which migrants find themselves, who with the dream of improving their economic situation end up passing for various obstacles in its journey.Keywords: migration, Central América, rightsResumoEste artigo apresenta a situação dos migrantes da América Central para o México e os Estados Unidos. Focamos no caso da fronteira Petén-Tabasco, na perspectiva dos Direitos Humanos e através do trabalho de campo, podemos ver a situação de vulnerabilidade em que os migrantes se encontram, que com o sonho de melhorar sua situação econômica acabam passando por vários obstáculos em sua jornada.Palavras-chave: Migração, América Central, direitos

The United States and the Rise of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
American Politics ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Military

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.

Central American integration through infrastructure development: A case study of Costa Rican hydropower

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denielle M. Perry ◽  
Kate A. Berry
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Market ◽  
Central American ◽  
Infrastructure Development

At the turn of the 21st century, protectionist policies in Latin America were largely abandoned for an agenda that promoted free trade and regional integration. Central America especially experienced an increase in international, interstate, and intraregional economic integration through trade liberalization. In 2004, such integration was on the agenda of every Central American administration, the U.S. Congress, and Mexico. The Plan Puebla-Panama (PPP) and the Central America Integrated Electricity System (SIEPAC), in particular, aimed to facilitate the success of free trade by increasing energy production and transmission on a unifi ed regional power grid (Mesoamerica, 2011). Meanwhile, for the United States, a free trade agreement (FTA) with Central America would bring it a step closer to realizing a hemispheric trade bloc while securing market access for its products. Isthmus states considered the potential for a Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) with the United States, their largest trading partner, as an opportunity to enter the global market on a united front. A decade and a half on, CAFTA, PPP, and SIEPAC are interwoven, complimentary initiatives that exemplify a shift towards increased free trade and development throughout the region. As such, to understand one, the other must be examined.

U.S. Guns Kill U.S. Nuns

2020 ◽  
pp. 101-130
Author(s):  
Theresa Keeley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central America ◽  
Central American ◽  
White House ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Church ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines the murders of the churchwomen and how Reagan officials' critiques, which revealed that intra-Catholic conflict had become an integral part of United States–Central America policy with Reagan's ascension to the White House. It looks at remarks that bolster the Salvadoran junta's reputation or diminish the murders' impact on the protest movement against U.S. policy. It also discusses that the murdered churchwomen symbolized the church's championing of the poor and a U.S. foreign policy that was morally corrupt and politically unsound for training and arming their killers. The chapter cites that two murdered Maryknollers were members of a Catholic order and represented a dangerous trajectory for U.S. foreign policy and the church. It elaborates how the U.S. government aligned with conservative U.S. and Central American Catholics and amplified their perspective.

Scott Cook. Understanding Commodity Cultures: Explorations in Economic Anthropology with Case Studies from Mexico. Lanham, Rowman & Littleford Publishers, Inc., 2004, xi, 349 pp.

2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 892-893 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Gregory
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Social Role ◽  
Gift Exchange ◽  
Central American ◽  
Economic Anthropology ◽  
Market Exchange ◽  
Bay Area ◽  
The People ◽  
The Gift ◽  
The Impact

Economic anthropology has two ‘sacred' field sites—one in Melanesia, the other in Central America—and the empirical data gathered from these sites has set the theoretical agenda for the sub-discipline. Malinowski conducted seminal fieldwork in both of these areas and the respective subjects of his investigations tells us much about the socio-economic concerns of people in Melanesia and Central America. His classic ethnography on the Kula exchange system of the Milne Bay area of Papua New Guinea, Argonauts of the Western Pacific, established Melanesia as the classic home of gift exchange. The postwar ethnographies have only served to confirm the passion Melanesians have for creating intricate forms of gift exchange: Andrew Strathern's The Rope of Moka, introduced us to the ties that bind the ‘big men' in the Highlands; Michael Young's Fighting with Food: Leadership, Values and Social Control in a Massim Society, challenged us to rethink the social role of food, and so on. These ethnographies, and many others like them, have provided the ethnographic base on which general theories of the gift have risen, Marilyn Strathern's The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia, being the best-known recent synthesis. The product of Malinowski's Central American fieldwork, Malinowski in Mexico: The Economics of a Mexican Market System (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982), which he wrote with J. de la Fuente, has not had the impact of Argonauts, for a number of reasons, including the fact that an English translation of the 1957 Spanish edition took some twenty-five years to appear, and that his research, carried out in 1940, was not pioneering in the same ethnographic and theoretical way that Argonauts was. His Mexican work was part of a long tradition of American scholarship on the peasant-artisan commodity producers of this area. Commodity production and exchange is to the people of Central America what gift exchange is to Melanesians. However, the exchange of commodities in Central America is a not ceremonial ritual, but rather everyday reality that the people must undertake in order to survive. It has been this way for centuries, which is why Central American ethnographers have devoted so much time to describing and analyzing petty commodity reproduction. This is not to say that market exchange is unimportant for the people of Melanesia, but what sets Melanesia apart is that gift exchange has flourished under the impact of capitalism, and it is this question that commentators have tried to describe and explain. What then are the peculiar social conditions found in Central America that account for the specificities of the economy found there? What conceptual frameworks have economic anthropologists developed to come to terms with these facts?

Securing Central America Against Communism: The United States and the Modernization of Surveillance in the Cold War

1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Holden
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Central America ◽  
Formation Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Sponsored Programs ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War

The US.-sponsored programs of military and police collaboration with the Central American governments during the Cold War also contributed to the surveillance capacity of those states during the period when the Central American state formation process was being completed. Guatemala is used as a case study. Washington’s contribution was framed by the conventional discourse of “security against communism” but also by an underlying technocratic ethos in which “modernization” and “security” were higher priorities than democratization.

scholarly journals U.S. Migration Policy Radicalization (2017-2019): Case of Mexico and Central America

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-118
Author(s):  
Arkadiy Alekseevich Eremin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Political Economic

This article is an attempt to critically analyze the policy of the 45th President of the United States Donald Trump regarding the southern border of the USA with Mexico. The paper analyzes the approach of Washington under the administration of D. Trump to the problem of the joint border between USA and Mexico, as well as conducts a comprehensive assessment of the main programs underlying the most pressing changes in D. Trumps policy in this area. In particular, the paper focuses on the structure of migration flows between 2017 and 2019, as well as on the reasons behind those changes. The author looks at the root causes of the unprecedented increase in the flow of potential migrants and refugees, and correlates them with the ongoing political, economic and humanitarian crises in the Central American sub-region. An important focus is given to the increasing role of Mexico in the settlement of this issue, as well as to the potential impact of such cooperation between the authorities of the United States and Mexico on the situation in Central America and Latin America in general. The significance of this paper is determined by the objective necessity of academic evaluation of the Donald Trumps administration impact on the United States governmental and foreign policy course. The author argues that the approach of the 45th president of the United States regarding traditionally sensitive issues like US - Mexico border control and migration has been mostly based on coercive tactics with obvious disregard towards social basis and root-causes of the issue at hand. One of the most distinguished traits of this approach is the practice of outsourcing managing the problem of refugees from Central America to the border-country, which in this specific case is Mexico.

Central America-US Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan D. McCormick
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Main Element ◽  
Democratic Capitalism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War

Since gaining independence in 1823, the states comprising Central America have had a front seat to the rise of the United States as a global superpower. Indeed, more so than anywhere else, the United States has sought to use its power to shape Central America into a system that heeds US interests and abides by principles of liberal democratic capitalism. Relations have been characterized by US power wielded freely by officials and non-state actors alike to override the aspirations of Central American actors in favor of US political and economic objectives: from the days of US filibusterers invading Nicaragua in search of territory; to the occupations of the Dollar Diplomacy era, designed to maintain financial and economic stability; to the covert interventions of the Cold War era. For their part, the Central American states have, at various times, sought to challenge the brunt of US hegemony, most effectively when coordinating their foreign policies to balance against US power. These efforts—even when not rejected by the United States—have generally been short-lived, hampered by economic dependency and political rivalries. The result is a history of US-Central American relations that wavers between confrontation and cooperation, but is remarkable for the consistency of its main element: US dominance.

Central America’s vaccine efforts face mixed prospects

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
World Health ◽  
Business Travel ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The World ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
Roll Out

Significance Elsewhere in the region, only Panama has so far received a first vaccine shipment, suggesting roll-outs initially will be patchy. Central American governments are sourcing their vaccines either through direct purchases from manufacturers or through programmes run by the World Health Organization (WHO). Impacts A black market is likely to emerge both for vaccines and vaccination certificates. Poorer countries will receive more vaccine support once roll-outs have advanced in wealthier countries globally, but this may take time. Vaccine roll-out in the United States will benefit Central America in terms of tourism, business travel and investment recovery.

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