scholarly journals Jim Crow Democracy: The U.S. South and Racialized Policy-Making in the Aftermath of World War II

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 547-565
Author(s):  
Maarten Zwiers
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
World War ◽  
White Southerners ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Post War ◽  
The U.S

Segregationist politicians from the U.S. South played key roles in devising plans for the reconstruction of Germany, the Marshall Plan and the drafting of displaced persons legislation. This article discusses how their Jim Crow ideology calibrated the global and domestic order that emerged from the ashes of World War II. Southern advocates of this ideology dealt with national and foreign issues from a regional perspective, which was based on the protection of agricultural interests and a nascent military-industrial complex, but above all, on the defence of white supremacy. In general, they followed a lenient course toward Germany after the country’s defeat in World War II, for various reasons. The shared experience of post-war reconstruction, containment of communism and feelings of kinship between the Germanic people and the Anglo-Saxons of the U.S. South were some of the motives why many white southerners did not endorse punitive measures against the former enemy. For them, an obvious connection existed between the local and the global, which strongly reverberated in the formation of U.S. foreign and domestic policy in the post-war world. The rebuilding of Germany and the fugitive question were shaped on the basis of a Jim Crow blueprint.

Segregationists Confront American Empire: The Conservative White South and the Question of Hawaiian Statehood, 1947––1959

2007 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANN K. ZIKER
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
American Empire ◽  
World War ◽  
Freedom Struggle ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
White Southerners ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
The Right ◽  
The U.S

Legislative and public debate over Hawai‘‘i””s proposed statehood coincided with the intensification of the African American freedom struggle in the U.S. South as well as the post-World War II rise of anti-colonial nationalism in Africa and Asia. To white racial conservatives, these were interrelated threats; each challenged the once-dominant association of whiteness and access to democracy. This article uncovers and analyzes the widespread grass-roots opposition to Hawaiian statehood among white Southerners. In doing so, it casts post-World War II racial conservatism in a new light: by illustrating how segregationists turned their attention to places far beyond the borders of the U.S. South to defend the ideology that legitimated Jim Crow; by highlighting the persistence of a race-based anti-imperialist sentiment; and by exploring segregationist ideas about race, religion, and the right to self-rule.

Cinema's Military Industrial Complex

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Mobile Technologies ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Physical And Mental Health ◽  
World War ◽  
Film Exhibition ◽  
Record Keeping ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
The Military

Cinema’s Military Industrial Complex examines how the American military has used cinema and related visual, sonic, and mobile technologies to further its varied aims. The essays in this book address the way cinema was put to work for purposes of training, orientation, record keeping, internal and external communication, propaganda, research and development, tactical analysis, surveillance, physical and mental health, recreation, and morale. The contributors examine the technologies and types of films that were produced and used in collaboration among the military, film industry, and technology manufacturers. The essays also explore the goals of the American state, which deployed the military and its unique modes of filmmaking, film exhibition, and film viewing to various ends. Together, the essays reveal the military’s deep investment in cinema, which began around World War I, expanded during World War II, continued during the Cold War (including wars in Korea and Vietnam), and still continues in the ongoing War on Terror.

Debunking the system: The rigging of the geofinancial power network

2021 ◽  
pp. 194277862110472
Author(s):  
Jayson J Funke
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Power Network ◽  
World War ◽  
Global Finance ◽  
Sociotechnical System ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Finance Capitalism

This article demonstrates how key Marxist theories and concepts have influenced my thinking and theoretical framework on financialization. Several key contributions from Marxist theory (the accumulation of capital and class struggle; the law of value and capitalist money; uneven development and imperialism; and financialization and global finance capitalism) provide the theoretical framework for what I call the geofinancial power network, a transnational sociotechnical system. The network is then historically and geographically situated in within the context U.S. post-World War II international hegemony and its military-industrial-complex that gave life to the ideas of ‘systems theory’ and sociotechnical systems, and its efforts to control transnational finance and the mechanisms of power (institutions, technologies etc.) that enabled global finance capitalism to emerge as a system of power. This theoretical framework has been useful for helping me understanding not only how financialization enables capitalism to reproduce itself unevenly across space, but also how it subsequently reorganizes economic spaces institutionally and technically into a hierarchical global system and single division of labor.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas I. Faith
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Chemical Warfare ◽  
Public Image ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Institutional History ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The U.S

This book documents the institutional history of the Chemical Warfare Service (CWS), the U.S. Army organization responsible for chemical warfare, from its origins in 1917 through Amos A. Fries's departure as CWS chief in 1929. It examines the U.S. chemical warfare program as it developed before the nation began sending soldiers to fight in France during World War I; the American Expeditionary Force's experiences with poison gas on the Western Front; the CWS's struggle to continue its chemical weapons program in a hostile political environment after the war; and CWS efforts to improve its public image as well as its reputation in the military in the first half of the 1920s. The book concludes with an assessment of the CWS's successes and failures in the second half of the 1920s. Through the story of the CWS, the book shows how the autonomy of the military-industrial complex can be limited when policymakers are confronted with pervasive, hostile public opinion.

scholarly journals Economic and Political Reconstruction and Development of FRG in the Period after World War II

2021 ◽  
pp. 139-151
Author(s):  
Mariusz Janik
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Agricultural Production ◽  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
Special Role ◽  
World War ◽  
Monetary Reform ◽  
Post War ◽  
War Production

In the first post-war years, the policy of the Western occupying powers towards Germany was aimed at preventing the economic revival of their former formidable competitor. As a result of these efforts, West Germany rebuilt its economy to the pre-war level later than Great Britain or France. The undoubted shift in the economic development of West Germany began in mid-1948. The impetus for the rapid growth of industrial production was the monetary reform carried out by the Western occupying powers, as well as the inflow of funds under the Marshall Plan. The monetary reform carried out in June 1948 favoured the strengthening of the financial market and was an incentive to invest. The influx of capital under the Marshall Plan had a similar impact on the West Germany’s economy during this period. The western zones of Germany played a special role in this plan. The United States, striving to strengthen its position in these zones as much as possible and use them as a strategic base (aimed, inter alia, against the communist bloc), provided West Germany with a sum of loans and subsidies significantly exceeding the amount of aid provided to other Western European countries. An extremely serious burden for the Western occupation zones was the influx of refugees from neighbouring areas (a total of about 10 million people) and the need to maintain the occupation troops, which directly led to a huge deficit in food resources. Agricultural production fell and ranged only from 66% to 75% of the pre-war production level.

The War Against the New Deal: World War II and American Democracy By Brian Waddell. DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001. 236p. $39.00.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 650-631
Author(s):  
Donald R. Brand
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Trade Association ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
World War ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
The Military ◽  
The New Deal

This book argues that the transition from the New Deal to a mobilized wartime economy during World War II restored corporate hegemony in collaboration with a state apparatus dominated by military elites. The purported losers in this transition were New Deal reformers committed to a planned economy and an extensive social welfare state, and groups like labor and small business whose interests were represented by reform elites. Organized chronologically, Waddell's account traces the development of the military-industrial complex from the War Industries Board in World War I to what Waddell asserts is a neocorporatist pattern of governance that had become established by the late 1940s and early 1950s. For the intervening years, he devotes attention to the trade association movement of the 1920s, the National Recovery Administration in the early 1930s, the New Deal turn to Keynesian economics, Harry Truman and the Marshall Plan, and the National Security Act of 1947; but the book focuses on the three periods associated with mobilization for World War II. These three periods are prewar mobilization from September, 1939 to December, 1941; the institutionalization of wartime mobilization from early 1942 through early 1943; and the battles over postwar reconversion that began in 1943 and continued into the immediate postwar era.

War Changes

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Horne
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
World War ◽  
The Gaze ◽  
Espionage Act ◽  
External Threat ◽  
The Face ◽  
Racial Progress ◽  
The U.S

This chapter discusses how the U.S. entry into World War II marked a watershed for both the Negro press generally and the Associated Negro Press (ANP) specifically. The “Double V” campaign among African Americans targeting fascism abroad and Jim Crow at home was a simple continuation and escalation of ANP prewar policy. Despite the racial progress propelled by the antifascist war, there were contrary disquieting notes that did not escape the gaze of Claude Barnett. The Negro press could hardly ignore the ambivalence, if not outright support, within their constituency for Tokyo. This factor helped to further propel black militancy at a moment when Washington was demanding stolid acquiescence in the face of the external threat. This widespread sentiment had led FBI leader J. Edgar Hoover to demand Espionage Act indictments of certain Negro papers.

Jim Crow in Uniform

2021 ◽  
pp. 211-259
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
White House ◽  
Military Life ◽  
At Home

Chapter 6 examines the military’s black-white boundaries in the context of troops’ training and stateside service during World War II. These boundaries, the handiwork above all of military officers and leaders, wended their way through nearly every aspect of military life, creating a dense and powerful structure of white domination and black subordination—or in the words of one wartime commentator, “Jim Crow in Uniform.” In the eyes of its creators, this version of Jim Crow was necessary both to win a war for freedom overseas and to shore up faltering white supremacy at home, faltering in part because of the military’s own unwitting actions. As with its civilian cousin, Jim Crow in uniform generated extensive protest, which managed to blur a small but important number of black-white lines. The number would have been higher had protesters not faced formidable opposition in the White House, in Congress, in the courts, and among military leaders.

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