scholarly journals THE SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE OF CROWDFUNDING IN POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS (CASE STUDY: NETIZEN DISCUSSIONS ON RIDWAN KAMIL`S FACEBOOK FANPAGE

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rindana Intan Emeilia ◽  
Nani Nurani Muksin
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-529
Author(s):  
Adhira Mangalagiri

Abstract This article studies China-India cultural diplomacy in the context of the socialist Chinese literary sphere. Decentering “dialogue” as an easy metaphor for transnationalism, I propose ellipses – the mark of silences, tensions, the unsaid – as a conceptual frame that makes visible those literary ties that frustrate the logic and aims of cultural diplomacy. I offer as a case study the Hindi poet Dinkar’s travelogue recording his visit to China in 1957. The travelogue brings together two concurrent Cold War phenomena that have so far been studied as separate: the Chinese political campaigns of 1957, and the 1950s era of China-India cultural diplomacy. Recording the Anti-Rightist Campaign in a Hindi idiom, Dinkar’s literary practice crafts the realm of ellipses as generating new China-India literary ties, obscured by the official banner of cultural diplomacy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 24-43
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Sandoval-Almazan ◽  
Juan Carlos Montes de Oca Lopez

Social media has transformed election campaigns around the world. While it is difficult to determine to what extent social media influence voters' decisions, there is no doubt that social media platforms impact on candidate advertising and public debate during elections. This research, the methodological formulation of which is based on a case study, seeks to investigate the use of social media during political campaigns to collect signatures of support. In the elections of 2018, aspiring candidates for presidential election required a certain number of signatures of support in order to register as official candidates. We collected social media data on a weekly basis from the Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube accounts of seven candidates and contrasted this data with the number of signatures validated by the electoral authority. We found no relationship between the level of support received and the use of social media in the case of any of the candidates. However, we observed candidates who did achieve the required number of signatures and who did receive official presidential candidate status as a result of their high level of visibility. This research contributes methodologically to the current literature and provides empirical evidence regarding independent candidates in Mexico.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evi Aryati Arbay ◽  
Julian Aldrin Pasha ◽  
Ari Santoso Widodo

The effect from COVID-19 pandemic has changed how presidential candidates do their political campaigns. The restriction to do social distancing makes the usual campaign not doable. That’s why presidential candidates need to find another way for their political campaign, which is by doing things digitally. This digitally driven changes can have its advantages and disadvantages. In this paper we discuss about the consequences of the changes in political campaigns in digital form or through social media for democratic societies in US presidential election. We use qualitative descriptive with case study method. In this paper we use secondary data such as research journals that’s related to this topic, documentation and articles. We find that the changes to digital campaigning have its own pros and cons that can affect how politicians do their campaigns on their social media platforms.


2022 ◽  
pp. 945-966
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Sandoval-Almazan ◽  
Juan Carlos Montes de Oca Lopez

Social media has transformed election campaigns around the world. While it is difficult to determine to what extent social media influence voters' decisions, there is no doubt that social media platforms impact on candidate advertising and public debate during elections. This research, the methodological formulation of which is based on a case study, seeks to investigate the use of social media during political campaigns to collect signatures of support. In the elections of 2018, aspiring candidates for presidential election required a certain number of signatures of support in order to register as official candidates. We collected social media data on a weekly basis from the Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube accounts of seven candidates and contrasted this data with the number of signatures validated by the electoral authority. We found no relationship between the level of support received and the use of social media in the case of any of the candidates. However, we observed candidates who did achieve the required number of signatures and who did receive official presidential candidate status as a result of their high level of visibility. This research contributes methodologically to the current literature and provides empirical evidence regarding independent candidates in Mexico.


Author(s):  
A. Philip Dawid ◽  
Julia Mortera ◽  
Paola Vicard

This article discusses the use of Bayesian analysis in the evaluation of temporal volatility and information flows in political campaigns. Using the 2004 US presidential election campaign as a case study, it demonstrates the utility of a model with two volatility regimes that simplifies the task of associating events with periods of high information. The article first explains why prediction markets are able to aggregate information such that the prices of future contracts are reflective of the event’s actual probability of occurring before analysing data from futures on ‘Bush wins the popular vote in 2004’, or the traded probability, of Bush winning the election. These data are used to build a measure of information flow. The results show that information flows increased as a result of the televised debates, and that these debates, along with the selection of the vice presidential candidate, increased prediction market volatility.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Evi Aryati Arbay ◽  
◽  
Julian Aldrin Pasha ◽  
Ari Santoso Widodo

The effect from COVID-19 pandemic has changed how presidential candidates do their political campaigns. The restriction to do social distancing makes the usual campaign not doable. That’s why presidential candidates need to find another way for their political campaign, which is by doing things digitally. This digitally driven changes can have its advantages and disadvantages. In this paper we discuss about the consequences of the changes in political campaigns in digital form or through social media for democratic societies in US presidential election. We use qualitative descriptive with case study method. In this paper we use secondary data such as research journals that’s related to this topic, documentation and articles. We find that the changes to digital campaigning have its own pros and cons that can affect how politicians do their campaigns on their social media platforms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Vujić ◽  
Mirjana Daničić ◽  
Tamara Aralica

Abstract Hate speech is a phenomenon which has been in the focus of scholarly interest of linguists, philosophers, sociologists, human-rights advocates, legal and media experts. Much of this interest has been devoted to establishing criteria for identifying what constitutes hate speech across disciplines. In this paper, we argue that hate speech has profiled as a distinct subgenre of the language of politics with typical patterns and ways of addressing which can be recognized in political campaigns across the world. Therefore, we present the findings of the case study of translation exercises of English and Serbian texts containing samples of hateful language during presidential campaigns in the USA and Serbia in 2016 and 2017. Our aim is to identify the linguistico-pragmatic commonalities of hate speech in Serbian and English and examine students’ attitudes towards ethically and morally challenging language contents in their mother tongue (L1) and English as their foreign language (L2). The results indicate that in both English and Serbian the same groups (e.g. members of ethnic minorities or LGBT population, women etc.) are targeted with the hateful language which in both languages uses vulgarisms, taboo words, sexist and chauvinistic declarative expressions to achieve political goals. In addition, L1>L2 and L2>L1 translation data indicate that personal moral and ethical norms in translators are stronger in L1 thus restrictively affecting translational L2>L1 output.


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