scholarly journals Age Differences in LGBT Attitudes Toward Marriage Equality

2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 428-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine M. Maccio ◽  
Sara Mateer DeRosa ◽  
Scott E. Wilks ◽  
Amy L. Wright
Keyword(s):  
Social Issues ◽  
Self Report ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Age Cohorts ◽  
Bisexual And Transgender ◽  
Attitudes Toward Marriage

The purpose of this study was to compare attitudes of older versus younger lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals regarding marriage equality. Data were collected via self-report questionnaires from 350 LGBT adults in a mid-size city in the southern United States. Older and younger LGBT cohorts did not differ significantly in voter registration, political party affiliation, awareness of LGBT political issues, or voting on social issues. Older LGBT adults were less likely to find same-sex marriage important. Yet, age cohorts did not differ significantly on legalizing same-sex marriage. Social work implications are discussed regarding this policy area.

In Sickness and in Health: Cripping and Queering Marriage Equality

Hypatia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Smith Rainey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Black Community ◽  
Intimate Relationships ◽  
Conceptual Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Bisexual And Transgender ◽  
Lgbt Movement

On the heels of the groundbreaking Obergefell v. Hodges ruling legalizing same‐sex marriage in the United States, the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement for marriage equality has received unprecedented coverage. Few people, however, have heard of the marriage equality movement for people with disabilities (PWD). In order to understand the lack of coalition between the two movements, as well as the invisibility of the PWD marriage equality movement, I provide a conceptual analysis of both marriage movement discourses. Drawing on Cathy Cohen's work on secondary marginalization in the black community, I argue that both LGBT folks and PWD actively obscure the most needy, most dependent, and most queer members of their respective communities to gain sympathy and support from a (perceived) independent, heteronormative majority. However, bringing the two movements into dialogue can help us rethink intimate relationships, marriage, and who counts as a citizen worthy of rights.

scholarly journals Partisan and religious drivers of moral conservatism

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Evans ◽  
Jonathan Tonge
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
Religious Conservatism ◽  
Party Choice ◽  
Moral Attitudes

This article assesses the importance of religious affiliation, observance, faith and party choice in categorizing attitudes to two of the most important contemporary moral and ethical issues: same-sex marriage and abortion. While religious conditioning of moral attitudes has long been seen as important, this article goes beyond analyses grounded in religiosity to explore whether support for particular political parties – and the cues received from those parties on moral questions – may counter or reinforce messages from the churches. Drawing upon new data from the extensive survey of public opinion in the 2015 Northern Ireland election study, the article analyses the salience of religious, party choice and demographic variables in determining attitudes towards these two key social issues. Same-sex marriage and abortion (other than in very exceptional abortion cases) are both still banned in Northern Ireland, but the moral and religious conservatism underpinning prohibition has come under increasing challenge, especially in respect of same-sex marriage. The extent to which political messages compete with religious ones may influence attitudes to the moral issues of the moment.

The Implications of Religious Liberty

2017 ◽  
pp. 143-162
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Religious Liberty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Protection Measures ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Public Discussion ◽  
The Public ◽  
Faith Based

The political terrain surrounding the legalization of same-sex marriage and the need to accommodate individual's faith based objections have been part of the public discussion since the passage of initial marriage equality statutes. These exemptions played an important part in the bill's passage and have gone largely unquestioned from proponents of marriage equality. This chapter discusses the heightened lawmaking efforts by opponents insisting on broad protection measures for religious claims based on opposition directed towards homosexuality. This Chapter discusses the resulting tension between religious freedom and marriage equality.

The Early 2000s

2021 ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Michael J. Rosenfeld
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Gay Rights ◽  
Supreme Court Decision ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
State Laws ◽  
State Supreme Court ◽  
The U.S

Chapter 9 tells the story of Lawrence v. Texas, the 2003 Supreme Court decision that finally struck down the remaining state laws that criminalized sodomy. In 2004 Massachusetts became the first state in the U.S. to have marriage equality, following the state supreme court decision in Goodridge v. Department of Public Health. Opponents of gay rights fought furiously to overturn marriage equality in Massachusetts, but once straight people saw that marriage equality cost them nothing, the opposition faded away. Gay rights groups in Massachusetts prevailed despite having many institutional disadvantages. In California in 2008, Proposition 8 was passed by voters to reintroduce a same-sex marriage ban.

Marriage Equality, Public Accommodations Laws, and Religious Exercise

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Gluck Mezey
Keyword(s):  
First Amendment ◽  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
Business Owners ◽  
The State ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Free Exercise ◽  
Same Sex Couples ◽  
Antidiscrimination Law

Opposition to same-sex marriage in the United States is frequently based on the religious belief that marriage should be reserved for a man and a woman. With most of the attention focused on wedding vendors, the clash between religious liberty and marriage equality has largely manifested itself in efforts by business owners, such as photographers, florists, caterers, and bakers, to deny their services to same-sex couples celebrating their marriages. Citing state antidiscrimination laws, the couples demand the owners treat them as they do their other customers. Owners of public accommodations (privately owned business open to the public) who object to facilitating the weddings of same-sex couples do so typically by asserting their personal religious beliefs as defenses when charged with violating such laws; they argue that they would view their participation (albeit indirect) in wedding ceremonies as endorsing same-sex marriage. As the lawsuits against them began to proliferate, the business owners asked the courts to shield them from liability for violating the laws prohibiting discrimination because of sexual orientation in places of public accommodation. They cited their First Amendment right to the free exercise of their religion and their right not to be compelled to speak, that is, to express a positive message about same-sex marriage. With conflicts between same-sex couples and owners of business establishments arising in a number of states, the focus of the nation’s attention was on a New Mexico photographer, a Washington State florist, and a Colorado baker, each of whom sought an exemption from their state’s antidiscrimination law to enable them to exercise their religious tenets against marriage equality. In these cases, the state human rights commissions and the state appellate courts ruled that the antidiscrimination laws outweighed the rights of the business owners to exercise their religious beliefs against marriage equality by refusing to play a role, no matter how limited, in a same-sex marriage ceremony. In June 2018, in Masterpiece Cakeshop, LTD. v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the state’s antidiscrimination law that guaranteed equal treatment for same-sex couples in places of public accommodations but reversed the Commission’s ruling against the Colorado baker. In a narrow decision, the Court held that the Commission infringed on the baker’s First Amendment right to free exercise by uttering comments that, in the Court’s view, demonstrated hostility to his sincerely held religious beliefs. The ruling affirmed that society has a strong interest in protecting gay men and lesbians from harm as they engage in the marketplace as well as in respecting sincerely held religious beliefs.

scholarly journals Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual (LGB) Young Adults’ Relational Well-Being Before and After Taiwanese Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage: A Qualitative Study Protocol

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 160940692093339
Author(s):  
Yu-Te Huang
Keyword(s):  
Young Adults ◽  
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Psychosocial Health ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Before And After ◽  
And Bisexual

In 2019, Taiwan became the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage. Such an historic shift in the legal landscape toward marriage equality in Taiwan presents a timely and unique opportunity to investigate the interplay of a lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB)-affirmative policy (i.e., marriage equality) and the well-being of LGB people. Existing quantitative studies on same-sex marriage have yielded compelling evidence about its positive effects on LGB individuals’ psychosocial health. However, no research has examined the relational dimension of the effect associated with same-sex marriage policy. Furthermore, a relational focus requires a researcher to solicit narratives from LGB young adults’ significant others (e.g., parents). This research project seeks to address these gaps by addressing whether legalization of same-sex marriage in Taiwan will improve Taiwanese LGB young adults’ relational well-being. Qualitative data were collected from 30 in-depth, dyadic interviews with 15 LGB young Taiwanese adults aged between 18 and 39 years and their parents. Each participant took part in two interviews conducted before and after the passage of the legalization of same-sex marriage, respectively. Transcribed interviews will be analyzed following an interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) where we seek insight into a social actor’s inner perceptions in a wider context of social relationships. Multiple measures will be undertaken to ensure study rigor. Findings from this study will add to the evaluative endeavors of marriage equality policy enacted in Taiwan by highlighting relational well-being and the perspectives of LGB young adults’ relevant others.

scholarly journals SAME-SEX MARRIAGE AND THE SAME OLD CONSTITUTION*

2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2005
Author(s):  
Ronalda Murphy
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Supreme Court Of Canada ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Same Sex Couples ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Do So

The Reference re Same-Sex Marriage1 is not a major opinion on the rights of same-sex couples in Canada, but it is nonetheless an important and fascinating case. There are only a few lines that are about the “rights” of same-sex couples. Did the Supreme Court of Canada “duck” the issue? Was the Court carefully gauging how much or little political capital it had and making a political decision to say as little as possible on this topic? The Court certainly displayed strategic brilliance, but it did not do so in the name of avoiding the “political” hot topic of same-sex marriage. It is factually difficult to maintain the view that the Supreme Court of Canada is loath to enter into this political debate. It has been the lead social institution in Canada in terms of responding to the claims of gays and lesbians to equality in law,2 and it has never been shy of dealing with topics simply because they involve controversial political issues.3 Rather, the Court’s brilliance lies in its minimalist and almost weary tone. This approach had the effect of taking the wind out of the sails of those opposed to same-sex marriage: the same-sex advocates definitely win the constitutional race, but they do so because according to the Supreme Court, there is no provincial constitutional headwind that can stop them. In short, provinces can complain all they want about the federal position in favour of same-sex marriage, but the wedding will go on despite and over their objections to the ceremony.

Social Media and Marriage Equality in Australia: The Media Roles in the Public Sphere and the Agenda-Setting

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yuhanyin Ma
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

<p align="justify">Marriage equality or the equal status of same-sex marriage has undergone a rather tough road in Australia, involving diverging opinions in parties at the state and federal levels and constitutional amendments. It appears that people in power set the agenda on the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, it cannot be denied that social media played an almost decisive role in this process because it enabled the gathering of massive public opinion to pressure the government to make changes. To be specific, social media or social networking sites offered platforms for people concerned to share reports about the progress of foreign countries in legalizing same-sex marriage, to express their opinions and to launch campaigns in support of their beliefs. This essay explores the role that social media played in the legalization of marriage equality movement in Australia from the perspectives of the public sphere theory and the agenda-setting theory.</p>

scholarly journals Strange Bedfellows: How an Anticipatory Countermovement Brought Same‐Sex Marriage into the Public Arena

2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (02) ◽  
pp. 449-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Dorf ◽  
Sidney Tarrow
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Movement Organizations ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Triangular Relationship ◽  
Movement Organizations ◽  
Lgbt Movement

Since the 1980s, social movement scholars have investigated the dynamic of movement/countermovement interaction. Most of these studies posit movements as initiators, with countermovements reacting to their challenges. Yet sometimes a movement supports an agenda in response to a countermovement that engages in what we call “anticipatory countermobilization.” We interviewed ten leading LGBT activists to explore the hypothesis that the LGBT movement was brought to the fight for marriage equality by the anticipatory countermobilization of social conservatives who opposed same‐sex marriage before there was a realistic prospect that it would be recognized by the courts or political actors. Our findings reinforce the existing scholarship, but also go beyond it in emphasizing a triangular relationship among social movement organizations, countermovement organizations, and grassroots supporters of same‐sex marriage. More broadly, the evidence suggests the need for a more reciprocal understanding of the relations among movements, countermovements, and sociolegal change.

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