scholarly journals «Russia does not step out of the role of the defendant in the Persian question…»: British discursive practices and Russian public opinion on the eve of the Great War

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-218
Author(s):  
Andrey B. Larin

The paper is devoted to the peculiarities of the British socio-political discourse functioning in the relation towards Russia and its foreign policy on the eve of the First World War. Based on the materials related to the Persian question and the activities of the Persia Committee, it was shown that a significant part of the British public opinion was biased against Russia, even after the signing of the 1907 Convention. Such invective approach had a direct and indirect impact on the policy of Foreign Office. At the same time, these British discursive practices were accepted by Russian public opinion as a constant in the mutual relations of the two Empires. Moreover, there was a tendency in Russian press to use the British Other (accusing and rebuking) as a convenient tool for affirming their own ideas and positions. Commenting on various British accusations and reproaches, Russian publicists appealed to their own government, hinting that the latter pays more attention to the British public opinion than to the interests of Russia. The government, for its part, used the appeal to Russian public opinion as an argument in its disputes with London. Thus, during the period under review, in Russia it was learned how to use the British approach to it as to a convenient Other in its own interests.

2019 ◽  
pp. 096834451983103
Author(s):  
Alex Mayhew

This article explores the role of postcards in the maintenance of relationships between combatants and civilians during the First World War. By drawing on untapped archival material found during wider research into the morale of English infantrymen, it concentrates on the multiple uses of this medium in correspondence between the Western and Home Fronts. Following the ‘cultural turn’ in military history it has become increasingly apparent that the gulf between those fighting and those left at home was much narrower than previously assumed. This analysis charts the variety of ways in which postcards helped to bridge this divide.


1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert G. Moeller

Since the early 1960s, social and economic historians of modern Germany have increasingly turned their attention to the study of the First World War and the postwar revolution. Yet of all the ink that has flowed extremely little has trickled down to the peasantry. Excellent monographs examine the wartime experience of several cities. Historians looking for the origins of proletarian radicalism in the revolution of 1918–19 have carefully scrutinized workers of all sorts, and those in pursuit of the birth or perhaps adolescent crisis of “Organized Capitalism” have studied industrialists and the changing role of the state. But no one has looked very closely at the country cousin. When historians have turned to the agricultural sector, they have with few exceptions focused on estate owners and their workers east of the Elbe.


1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Coogan ◽  
Peter F. Coogan

The role of the British cabinet in the Anglo-French military conversations prior to the First World War has been and remains controversial. The acrimonious debate within the government during November 1911 seems linked inextricably to the flood of angry memoirs that followed August 1914 and to the continuing historical debate over the actions and motivations of the various ministers involved. Two generations of researchers now have examined an enormous body of evidence, yet the leading modern scholars continue to publish accounts that differ on the most basic questions. Historians have proved no more able than the ministers themselves were to reconcile the contradictory statements of honorable men. The persistence of these differences in historical literature demonstrates both the continuing confusion over the cabinet's role in the military conversations and the need for a renewed effort to resolve this confusion.The starting point for any discussion of the staff talks must be the recognition that the meaning of the term changed significantly over the nine years before the outbreak of World War I. The contacts began with a series of informal discussions between senior British and French officers during 1905. The first systematic conversations took place early in January 1906 under the authority of Lord Esher, a permanent member of the Committee of Imperial Defence (CID), and Sir George Clarke, the CID secretary. Later in that month a small group of ministers, including Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, sanctioned formal, ongoing exchanges between the two general staffs.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. BASTIAENSEN

On the occasion of the centenary of the First World War, remembered across the world from 2014 until the end of 2018, many aspects and experiences of this global conflict have been re-examined or brought to light for the first time, as we honour the memory of those estimated 16 million soldiers and civilians who perished in what was then known as the ‘Great War’, or the ‘War to End All Wars’. So many of these died on the infamous fields of Flanders, where Allied and Central Forces dug themselves into trenches for the better part of four years. Over the past few years, new research has brought to light many insights into the plight of animals in this War, which – for the younger readers amongst you – was fought at the dawn of motorised warfare, using anything powered by two or four feet or paws, from the homing pigeons delivering secret messages across enemy lines, to the traction provided by oxen and mules to pull cannons and other heavy artillery, to the horses of the cavalry. Not least among these roles was the supply of animal protein to the troops, whether this came through the specific designation of animals for this purpose or as the result of a failed attempt at delivering any of the above services. Several leading publications today have documented the role (and suffering) of animals in ‘La Grande Guerre’. Less so the role of veterinarians in the ‘War to End All Wars’. Who were they? How many? How were they organised? What did they do, on either side of the enemy lines? The present article is a humble attempt to shed some light on these veterinary colleagues, based on available, mostly grey, literature…


1978 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reinhard R. Doerries

Since the early 1960s we have witnessed in West German historical writing noteworthy changes in the interpretation of the causes of the First World War and, therefore, of the meaning of that war for Germany. One is particularly struck by the refreshing debate which ensued among German scholars on Germany's war aims specifically and on Imperial Germany's foreign policy prior to the World War in general. The so-called captured German documents of the Foreign Office and other branches of the government were returned to Germany, and a younger generation of historians eagerly examined the newly available material. Remarkable, if at times controversial, studies were the result of the scholarly reexamination of the German imperial era. Yet, in all the commotion and controversy, there was one area of German foreign policy which conspicuously remained ignored or treated with astonishing marginality


Author(s):  
José Luis Agudín Menéndez

Resumen: El objetivo de estas páginas es atender el impacto ideológico de la Primera Guerra Mundial en Asturias. Aprovechando una tesitura historiográfica eminentemente favorable en la proliferación de investigaciones sobre la Gran Guerra y la opinión pública al calor del centenario, este artículo aborda un hecho apenas trabajado en la historiografía asturiana. El apoyo documental se cimenta sobre la lectura de publicaciones periódicas como los diarios de gran circulación provinciales (El Carbayón de Oviedo, El Noroeste, El Comercio y El Pueblo Astur de Gijón o La Voz de Avilés) así como, de modo ocasional, rotativos nacionales (El Correo Español, El Siglo Futuro o El Socialista de Madrid). Asimismo se nutre de fuentes literarias y de la consulta de las actas municipales. Son descritos aquí el inicio de la guerra, la llegada de las misiones culturales francesas, la recepción de la guerra submarina y los festejos aliadófilos al final de las hostilidades.Palabras clave: I Guerra Mundial, aliadófilos y germanófilos, historia de la prensa, opinión pública, Melquíades Álvarez, Asturias.Abstract: The purpose of these pages is to attend the ideological impact of the First World War in Asturias. Taking advantage of a favorable historiographical tessitura in the proliferation of investigations on the Great War and the public opinion to the heat of the centenary, this article deals with a fact hardly worked in Asturian historiography. The documentary support is based on the reading of the provincial newspapers (El Carbayón in Oviedo, El Noroeste, El Comercio and El Pueblo Astur in Gijón or La Voz de Avilés) as well as, occasionally, national newspapers (El Correo Español, El Siglo Futuro or El Socialista in Madrid). It also draws on literary sources and the consultation of municipal Minutes Book. A feather flies the beginning of the war, the arrival of cultural missions, the reception of submarine warfare and the allied celebrations at the end of hostilities are described here.Keywords: World War I, pro-allied and Germanophiles, press history, public opinion, Melquíades Álvarez, Asturias.


Linguistica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 271-282
Author(s):  
Paola Desideri ◽  
Mariapia D’Angelo

From September 1915 until the end of the First World War, the Viennese Romance scholar Leo Spitzer was dispatched to the Censorship section of the Austrian Central Bureau of Information on Prisoners-of-War, where he was in charge of examining the correspondence of the Italian prisoners. In the unusual dual role of censor and philologist, he was the first to collect extensive documentation of popular Italian written texts during a crucial period of Italian linguistic history. The first part of the present paper focuses on the linguistic and communicative properties of the letters included and analyzed in the volume Italienische Kriegsgefangenenbriefe, published by Spitzer in 1921 and translated into Italian in 1976 (Lettere di prigionieri di guerra italiani), whereas the second part deals with stylistic and onomasiological aspects of the circumlocutions expressing hunger, on the basis of Spitzer’s study Die Umschreibungen des Begriffes “Hunger” im Italienischen (1920) and with reference to his work Motiv und Wort (1918).


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-951
Author(s):  
A. A. Turygin ◽  
A. N. Shigareva

The fates of the last Emperors of Russia and Germany are forever linked by the First World War and the revolutions. History knows the circumstances of their abdication; however, their motives still remain a matter of debate. The present research featured a comparative analysis of various points of view on the roles Nicholas II and Wilhelm II played in the revolutions and the political decisions they made. The biographical research clarified the general characteristics of the revolutionary processes that occurred during their reign and how both revolutions affected the institution of monarchy. The authors analyzed the contemporary historiographical discussions of the monarchy and the revolutions caused in both countries by the consequences of the First World War. The article also focuses on the role of social, class, and political groups in both revolutions, as well as on the attempts of monarchists to save the emperors. Tsar Nicholas II and Kaiser Wilhelm II lived in a very similar political context: complicated family ties, rapid economic development, the Great War, etc. Their abdications occurred in similar circumstances and had similar motives and socio-political consequences. However, their further destinies were very different.


2019 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Pavlo Hai-Nyzhnyk

The article describes the geopolitical position of the Ukrainian State since the proclamation of P. Skoropadsky as Hetman of all Ukraine until the ousting of the Hetmanate in 1918. It is noted that the beginning of this period is the end of the First World War. Germany, which was an ally of the Ukrainian State, provided its troops to protect it from the Bolsheviks, is defeated. In this regard, there were a number of challenges in the foreign policy of the Hetmanate. The Ukrainian State is forced to look for ways to establish ties with the Entente countries. The author states that first agreements were concluded with neutral states, though it was planned to establish diplomatic relations with the Entente countries. To implement this, reliance was placed on the Ukrainian Embassy in Berlin. However, later this process took place through the mediation of the French Consul E. Enno in the Romanian city of Iași. The author examines the role of I. Korostovets in the implementation of Ukrainian diplomacy. The article provides an insight into the events that took place within the country. There was a confrontation between representatives of different parties and members of the government. The question of the need to change the legal and state status of the country and its foreign policy orientation put the country and its political elite on the brink of a split. It is analyzed the real reasons for the publication of the letters of the Hetman and their impact on internal and external challenges. The author highlights the influence of the Directorate on the external relations of the country. Following its arrival in power, it became known that one of the main goals of the Directorate was to capture Kyiv as soon as possible for the final overthrow of the hetman’s power and proclamation of the UPR with the Directorate at its head before the entire world. Keywords: Hetmanate, Entente, Directorate, Ukrainian diplomacy, Ukrainian statehood, confrontation.


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