scholarly journals The alternative capital of the USSR: estimates of the American press and special services

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-173
Author(s):  
Sergey Olegovich Buranok ◽  
Yaroslav Alexandrovich Levin ◽  
Anna Vyacheslavovna Sokolova

The following paper for the first time in Samara regional studies deals with the study of significance of Kuibyshev in the public opinion of the USSR allies. Having become a reserved capital, Kuibyshev ceased to be just one of the regional centers in the Soviet Union, it turned into a city known and significant all over the world. This paper uses many unique US documents on Kuibyshev during the war. On their basis the authors analyze formation and perception of the image of the reserved capital in American society. To study the history of Kuibyshev as a second capital at such an angle is important for imagology, study of local lore and comparative studies. The conducted research showed how the image of Kuibyshev was made in the conditions of the Second World War, how its perception changed. The paper also uses the data of the US special services that makes it possible to understand what place Kuibyshev was given at that time by representatives of the intelligence community of America. The study of Kuibyshev image in the assessments of the American special services opens a possibility for researchers to get acquainted with their work from a new perspective. The paper draws conclusions about the influence of certain journalists on the formation of Kuibyshev image. The conclusions drawn in this paper, as well as the introduction of new documents into circulation, will allow us to deepen and expand this topic in the future.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-160
Author(s):  
Alexey V. Antoshin ◽  
Dmitry L. Strovsky

The article analyzes the features of Soviet emigration and repatriation in the second half of the 1960s through the early 1970s, when for the first time after a long period of time, and as a result of political agreements between the USSR and the USA, hundreds of thousands of Soviet Jews were able to leave the Soviet Union for good and settle in the United States and Israel. Our attention is focused not only on the history of this issue and the overall political situation of that time, but mainly on the peculiarities of this issue coverage by the leading American printed media. The reference to the media as the main empirical source of this study allows not only perceiving the topic of emigration and repatriation in more detail, but also seeing the regularities of the political ‘face’ of the American press of that time. This study enables us to expand the usual framework of knowledge of emigration against the background of its historical and cultural development in the 20th century.


Keruen ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (69) ◽  
Author(s):  
A.S. Jumadilov ◽  

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the post-Soviet state of post-Soviet autonomous republics turned out to be the ideology for which cinematographers and screenwriters have to make a film epic of epoch - national cinema. In this article, the author can only use the ever-present cinematography, the unmerciful nationalistic culture, the ideological orientation of the film industry, the uniqueness or national identity. It's a good idea to have a world-renowned artisan who is doing all the same, seeking internationalization and gloss? Another - cinematic and astrophysical art of Shaken Aimanov, whose works live in volumes or polls, and others. For many years, many changes have taken place in the national cinema, such as national culture, a national emblem of national culture. For the first time in the history of national cinema, national cinema and the world of cinema, the future and future films have been transformed into a lot of changes. The Concept of distinguished singer Shaken Aimanova is embodied in the volume, which, unlike the researchers and artists all over the world of cinema Shaken Aimnayev, the director of which, as long as he is a filmmaker, creates a film studio as part of national culture.


Author(s):  
Dina Rezk

In July 1958, an unknown nationalist, General Abdul Karim Qasim, came to the helm of power in Iraq. Chapter 3 reveals how analysts reacted to the brutal murder of his predecessor Nuri al Said, as Britain’s most important ally in the Middle East seemed to contract the Nasser ‘virus’ spreading through the region. Qasim quickly demonstrated that he was no Nasserist stooge however. Whilst British policymakers hoped in vain that the new Iraqi leader could be cultivated as a counterweight to Nasser, the intelligence community rapidly realised that Qasim had neither the charisma nor the popularity to compete with his Egyptian counterpart in the Arab Cold War. Qasim reliance on Iraqi Communists to counteract the influence of local Nasserites led to widespread fears that Iraq was on the brink of acquiring Soviet satellite status. This chapter brings to light for the first time the JIC’s nuanced analysis of the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), suggesting to policy-makers that in fact the Soviet Union was acting as a restraining influence on the Iraqi communists. Qasim came to be increasingly depicted as ‘paranoid’ and ‘irrational’, whilst assessments of Nasser took on a new and more complimentary light as a ‘moderate’ potential ally in the quest to prevent Communist penetration of the Middle East.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-297
Author(s):  
Elena Nikolaevna Gnatovskaya ◽  
Alexander Alexeevich Kim

This work presents new research on the everyday life of railroad workers in the Soviet Far East and their relations with the authorities beginning in the 1930s to 1945. The authors present their findings from a number of archival materials that are examined here for the first time in a scholarly manner. The article examines aspects of labor organization, socialist competition, labor discipline, and workers’ participation in various railway political and ideological campaigns during these years. The authors also give significant attention to the reactions of the workers to the policy of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (cpsu), laborers’ behavior in the workplace, and the history of various mass campaigns.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 114-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bogdan C. Iacob

This article presents a comprehensive review of the transnational perspective in the study of communism and the implications of this methodological turn for the transformation of the field itself. While advancing new topics and interpretative standpoints with a view to expanding the scope of such an initiative in current scholarship, the author argues that the transnational approach is important on several levels. First, it helps to de-localize and de-parochialize national historiographies. Second, it can provide the background to for the Europeanization of the history of the communist period in former Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Third, and most importantly, the transnational approach can reconstruct the international dimension of the communist experience, with its multiple geographies, spaces of entanglement and transfer, and clustered, cross-cultural identity-building processes. The article concludes that the advent of transnationalism in the study of communism allows for the discovery of various forms of historical contiguousness either among state socialisms or beyond the Iron Curtain. In other words, researchers might have a tool to not only know more about less, but also to resituate that “less” in the continuum of the history of communism and in the context of modernity. The transnational approach can generate a fundamental shift in our vantage point on the communist phenomenon in the twentieth century. It can reveal that a world long perceived as mostly turned inward was in fact imbricate in wider contexts of action and imagination and not particularly limited by the ideological segregationism of the Cold War.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 52-70
Author(s):  
Ben O'Bright

In 2007, Estonia was the victim of a significant, coordinated cyberattack, which crippled government communications, newspaper websites, banks and other connected entities in Europe’s most Internet-saturated country. At the time, leading theories suggested that Russia, or at the very least elements of its intelligence community, might be somehow involved, spurred by the physical symbolism of Estonia removing Soviet-era monuments from city squares and public spaces (Davis, 2007). Indeed, in an attempt to visibly remove its history of engagement as part of the Soviet Union, Estonian authorities and political figures had become determined to demolish and destroy remaining statues erected pre-1990. Two years after the cyberattack, an event that Wired Magazine colloquially termed “Web War One,” further details of the unexpected perpetrators would begin to emerge. According to reports by the Financial Times and Reuters, Nashi, a pro-Kremlin youth group with an estimated membership of 150,000, claimed responsibility for the digital assault against Estonia; they described to authorities a strategy of repeated denial-of-service (DoS) attacks, (Clover, 2009; Lowe, 2009). Nashi members, based on different sources, range between the ages of 17 and 25 (Knight, 2007).


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-150
Author(s):  
Jurij Szapował

The life and activity of the publicist, journalist and researcher Bohdan Osadchuk is a meaningful example of activities for the inter-civilisation dialogue. He was born in Galicia, which belonged to the Second Polish Republic, and he always treated Polish and Ukrainian cultures as his own. Osadchuk’s efforts to strengthen Polish-Ukrainian relations and understanding, as well as his cooperation with Jerzy Giedroyc, editor-in-chief of the Paris-based journal Kultura [Culture], which was unique in terms of content and influence, were of particular importance. The author of this article has collected and analysed little-known and so far undiscovered facts and previously unavailable archival documents. Bohdan Osadchuk grew up in a multicultural environment. Professing liberal values, he condemned all chauvinism. He managed to combine the identity of a Ukrainian emigrant with that of a European democrat. For seventy years, he lived in Berlin (1941–2011), where he graduated from the university and became recognised as a journalist Alexander Korab. He was known under this pseudonym to readers of German newspapers and the oldest Swiss daily newspaper Neue Zürcher Zeitung for decades. For over half a century, he wrote for this authoritative newspaper about the events in the Soviet Union, Poland, Ukraine and the countries of the socialist bloc. Moreover, when actively cooperating with German radio and television, he introduced Polish and Ukrainian issues to the media discourse. The communist special services of the People’s Republic of Poland and the Soviet Union hunted Bohdan Osadchuk, watched him and tried to recruit him. But he was playing his own game and was not fooled. This article also describes Osadchuk’s scientific achievements that he gained as a professor at the Free University of Berlin (Freie Universität Berlin) and the Ukrainian Free University in Munich, as well as the author of fundamental publications. Moreover, the circumstances of the last years of Osadchuk’s life, which ended in Poland, are presented for the first time.


Author(s):  
A. S. Mironov ◽  
N. V. Borovkova ◽  
M. S. Makarov ◽  
I. N. Ponomarev ◽  
Yu. V. Andreev

The article outlines the main stages of the formation, development and specialization of medical institutions associated with the harvesting and procurement of allogeneic tissues, considers the global practice in the field of tissue institutions, taking into account medical and legal aspects. In the second half of the XX century, the tendency has developed towards the consolidation of tissue banks and the expansion of their functional capabilities within individual states. The development of this trend in the late XX - early XXI centuries led to the establishment of international tissue banking associations. The goal of international associations of tissue banks has been to develop cooperation, standardize procedures at all stages of tissue harvesting and procurement, and form an effective legislative framework. In the Soviet Union, the procurement of donor tissues was widely developing, but in the 90s, in our country there was an abrupt decline in this field. To date, in Russia, the harvesting and procurement of allogeneic tissues is carried out in only a few institutions; the development of tissue institutions is difficult due to the lack of an adequate legal framework. The article proposes to legally differentiate the concepts of "organ transplantation" and "tissue transplantation"; as an example, the US experience in this area is discussed.


2019 ◽  
pp. 177-195
Author(s):  
Julia Elyachar

This chapter upends usual discussions of neoliberal governmentality by focusing on the relation of neoliberalism to the irrational. The central task of neoliberalism in its early days was to resurrect a discredited liberalism. WW I and the problematic Versailles Peace of 1919 convinced many that irrationality lay at the core of the “civilized” European world. Those who became neo-liberal (before the hyphen was eliminated) embraced that which was irrational while resolutely attacking all kinds of collectivism. Early neoliberals such as Mises equated socialists with savages and put socialists in what Trouillot called “The Savage Slot,” thanks to their wilful overthrow of the free market price system, without which rationality itself could not exist. Hayek and the next generation of neoliberals shifted the source of irrationality into the physiology of individual humans. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union against which early neoliberal polemics were aimed, tacit knowledge moved out of the body to the corporation via Jean Lave’s concept of communities of practice. The chapter draws on classic works in anthropology; history of economic thought; US corporate history; and obscure annals of the public sector in Egypt to make these arguments.


2009 ◽  
pp. 113-154

- The relations between Italy and the Ussr, almost absent after WWII began to grow during the years of détente. Their development offers useful insight on the long-term cleavages which led to the fall of the Soviet Union. The documents, published here for the first time, come from Rgani (State Archive of Contemporary History of the Russian Federation) and offer an outline of the crucial period in the mid-1960s. From them, it is possible to grasp the main elements of the Ussr's foreign policy towards Italy: the central role of an explorative diplomacy; a negative attitude towards the center-left governments; the close relations with the large Italian industrial groups; the lasting centrality of the political link with Pci; and, above all, the firm belief of the Kremlin leadership that the economic and cultural détente would have, in the long run, deep political effects. They were right; what they weren't able to predict is that they would be the losers.Key words: Cold War, Détente, European security, economic diplomacy, Center left governements, Cpsu/Cpi.Parole chiave: guerra fredda, distensione, sicurezza europea, diplomazia economica, governi di centrosinistra, Pcus/Pci.


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