scholarly journals A Revolução Haitiana e o Atlântico Negro: o Constitucionalismo em face do Lado Oculto da Modernidade / The Haitian Revolution and the Black Atlantic: Constitutionalism in face of the Dark Side of Modernity

Author(s):  
Evandro Charles Piza Duarte ◽  
Marcos Vinícius Lustosa Queiroz

Resumo: O presente artigo pretende ser um duplo movimento de reflexão sobre as categorias utilizadas para tratar da história do constitucionalismo moderno. Primeiramente, apresentará a categoria de “Atlântico Negro” e suas respectivas contribuições para uma “reperiodização” da modernidade, especificamente quanto aos movimentos sociais de reivindicação de direitos. Em seguida toma um evento particular desse Atlântico Negro, a Revolução Haitiana, como prisma hermenêutico e metodológico para pensar as disputas constitucionais. Busca-se, desse modo, adotar o ponto de vista de uma filosofia da história que lide, de maneira integrada, com a modernidade e o colonialismo. Por fim, tecerá breves comentários sobre como esse duplo movimento poderá contribuir para a reflexão sobre o direito constitucional contemporâneo. Abstract: The present paper aims to be a double movement of reflection about the history of modern constitutionalism. Firstly, it introduces the “Black Atlantic” category and its respective contributions to perform a “re-periodization” of modernity, specifically in relation to social movements of human rights. Then, it takes one particular event of this Black Atlantic, the Haitian Revolution, to be a methodological and hermeneutical prism to think the constitutional struggles. Thereby, the paper intends to embrace a point of view of the philosophy of history that deals with modernity and colonialism in an integrated manner. Lastly, it shows how this double displacement can contribute to the contemporary constitutional thought.

2003 ◽  
Vol 77 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 253-287
Author(s):  
Flávio Gomes

Analyzes cultural exchanges and the formation of identities, specifically looking at Maroon societies established on the borders of colonial Brazil and French Guiana. Author identifies forms of micropolitical agency among slaves and escaped (former) slaves in this area in light of Portuguese and French colonial policies in the 18th and 19th c. First, he reconstructs the history of slavery in French Guiana and bordering Brazil, and especially of slave escapes across colonial borders, resulting in Maroon communities, and how the colonial authorities dealt with these escapes. He points out that the created Maroon societies affected and altered the world of those who were still enslaved, as well as of the entire surrounding society. Further he discusses transnational connections, particularly the impact of the Haitian Revolution on slaves, and of other ideas regarding freedom.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jose Villalobos Ruiz

<p><b>In recent years, revisionist studies of the history of economic, social and cultural rights have deemed that the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) is a failed instrument. My thesis explores the extent to which that assessment is accurate and concludes that, although the ICESCR’s drafters did imbue the treaty with a strong purpose of resistance against the detrimental impacts of economic liberalism, the instrument’s ties to its historical roots might be too strong for it to serve an effective purpose in present and future efforts to push back against excessive marketisation. </b></p> <p>In order to fully understand both the ICESCR’s shortcomings and its unfulfilled potential, it is helpful to analyse the treaty’s content and purpose from the perspective of Karl Polanyi’s theory of the double movement. This theory, presented by Polanyi in his 1944 monograph The Great Transformation, established that the 19th century was defined by a struggle between those who advocated for economic liberalism and those who protected society from that economic model through a “countermovement” that promoted mechanisms of “social protection”. A current wave of neo-Polanyian scholarship has reinterpreted the double movement as a pendulum that has continued to swing between economic liberalism and social protection, explaining the rise of neoliberal practices in the second half of the 20th century and contemporary efforts to limit the influence of the market over society.</p> <p>From a neo-Polanyian viewpoint, the ICESCR was a product of the second countermovement – a series of actions taken by governments all around the world during the mid-20th century to mitigate the harmful effects of the market on people’s wellbeing. After conducting a detailed examination of the ICESCR’s travaux préparatoires, I determine that the members of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights consciously shaped the treaty according to six principles that I identify as underlying the second countermovement. </p> <p>This thesis argues that such an intimate connection with those principles, which at first might seem benign, is the source of the ICESCR’s current limitations. Because the instrument is a product of the second countermovement, it is now out of place in an era where economic liberalism presents different challenges than it did in the mid-20th century. That dilemma is illustrated by the contrast between the tentative approach of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights – bound by the constraints of the ICESCR – and the confrontational tone of the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, which has taken advantage of its wider mandate to endorse practices of an emerging third countermovement that directly address the specific challenges of this era. Therefore, while the ICESCR has been used by those bodies to resist neoliberal ambitions, the treaty might become less relevant the further we move away – both chronologically and socio-politically – from the second countermovement.</p>


Author(s):  
Carlos Fonseca Suárez

      Like most revolutionary processes, the history of the Haitian revolution has typically been narrated from the perspective of revolutionary heroes. Whether as the feat of Toussant L’Ouverture, Francois Macandal or Jean-Jacques Dessalaines, historians have often tried to encapsulate the revolution within the narrow margins of human causality. In this article, I attempt to sketch the contours of another possible history: an ecological history in which the feats of the revolutionary heroes give way to the radical power of nature. By focusing on the role that two epidemic phenomena—yellow fever and mesmerism—had within the revolution, I attempt to show how the emergence of an “epidemiological discourse” proved to be fundamental for imagining the outbreak of modern sovereignty as it occurred in Saint-Domingue. Drawing on the ecological history of the Greater Caribbean and the routes of exchange that determined the historical development of its radical environment, the article attempts to imagine what an ecocritical history of the revolutionary process could look like. It lays out a political cartography unlike that which one usually encounters in history books, following a mosquito in its route from Africa to America and retracing the way in which a European pseudo-science—mesmerism—arrived from France to America. The epidemiological discourse surrounding both yellow fever and mesmerism reveals the emergence of a new sociological language capable of figuring the crisis of imperial modes of sovereignty as well as the emergence of new modes of radical subjectivity. Departing from the works Deleuze and Guattari, but also in dialogue with recent debates in ecocriticism, the significance of the Haitian Revolution is reconsidered in its relationship to the emergence of sociology as a language capable of explaining the emergence of the modern political subject par excellence: the modern multitude. Resumen      Como la mayoría de los procesos revolucionarios, la historia de la revolución haitiana usualmente ha sido narrada desde la perspectiva histórica de los héroes revolucionarios. Ya sea como la épica de Toussant L’Ouverture, Francois Macandal o Jean-Jacques Dessalaines, los historiadores han intentado encapsular la revolución dentro de los márgenes de la causalidad humana. En este artículo, intento esbozar los contornos de otra posible historia: una historia ecológica en la que las hazañas de los héroes revolucionarios ceden el escenario al poder radical de la naturaleza. Mediante una articulación del rol que dos fenómenos epidémicos—la fiebre amarilla y el mesmerismo—tuvieron dentro de la revolución, intento demostrar cómo la aparición de un “discurso epidemiológico” demostró ser fundamental en el proceso de crisis de soberanía imperial que ocurrió en Saint-Domingue. Investigando tanto la historia ecológica del Gran Caribe como las rutas de intercambio que determinaron la radicalización de su atmósfera política, el artículo intenta imaginar una historia ecocrítica del proceso revolucionario. A través de una cartografía de las rutas transatlánticas de circulación de un mosquito, así como del desembarco en América de una pseudociencia—el mesmerismo—el artículo esboza una historiografía política distinta. Se escudriña el discurso epidemiológico que giraba en torno tanto a la fiebre amarilla como al mesmerismo en relación con el surgimiento de un nuevo discurso sociológico capaz de representar la crisis de los modelos imperiales de soberanía y el surgimiento de nuevas subjetividades radicales. Partiendo de los trabajos de Deleuze y Guattari, pero también en conversación con los recientes debates sobre la ecocrítica, el significado de la Revolución Haitiana es reconsiderado en relación con el surgimiento de la sociología como el idioma del sujeto moderno por excelencia: la multitud.


2021 ◽  
pp. 31-45
Author(s):  
Պետրոս Դեմիրճյան

Writer, publicist, philosopher, pedagogue, editor Yeghia Temirchipashyan (1851–1908) occupies a special place in the history of Armenian literature and, in particular, in the national-social, educational and cultural development of the last quarter of the 19th century. He was destined to live and create for our people, truly, in a crucial historical time, when not only national and public life, but also scientific and meaningful creative thought was undergoing rapid reforms. In the oppressive atmosphere of the Sultan’s Turkey, even the creative spirit of Armenians tried to find a way out of the developments taking place in the world, the sources of progress and the latest ways. In the system of communication and internal transfers, Y. Temirchipashyan gave priority to the present time. Soberly assessing the current requirements of life, he felt and realized that time has changed, the human being has changed. That is why, considering the Mashtots Grabar adored, he advocated the use of a manifests when assessing the complex phenomena of the transition time experienced by him from the point of view of the life and progress of the nation and society as a whole. In his famous articles entitled “The Evolution of the Beauty” “The Element of the Philosophy of History”, “A Hassle over Bringing up Girls or a Speech of Broom”, encouraging the influx of European literary, scientific and philosophical thought into the Armenian reality, he was against the intention to accept with open arms all the shepherds and currents coming from the West. At the same time, having mastered new aesthetic and philosophical trends, he also encouraged reading “nutritious, strengthening, awaking books”, and did not stop believing in the optimistic prospects of the nation and the Motherland.


Author(s):  
David Geggus

Of all the Atlantic revolutions, the fifteen-year struggle that transformed French Saint-Domingue into independent Haiti produced the greatest degree of social and economic change, and most fully embodied the contemporary pursuit of freedom, equality, and independence. Between 1789 and 1804, the Haitian Revolution unfolded as a succession of major precedents: the winning of colonial representation in a metropolitan assembly, the ending of racial discrimination, the first abolition of slavery in an important slave society, and the creation of Latin America's first independent state. Beginning as a home-rule movement among wealthy white colonists, it rapidly drew in militant free people of colour who demanded political rights and then set off the largest slave uprising in the history of the Americas. Sandwiched between the colonial revolutions of North and South America, and complexly intertwined with the coterminous revolution in France, Haiti's revolution has rarely been grouped with these major conflicts despite its claims to global significance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-209
Author(s):  
Jonas Ross Kjærgård

AbstractÉmeric Bergeaud wrote Stella (1859), his novelistic account of the Haitian revolution (1791–1804), at a most turbulent moment in Haitian history. Faustin Soulouque rose to power in the late 1840 s and soon began to pursue his political opponents with violent means. Coming from a “Boyerist” background, Bergeaud fled the country in 1848 and settled in St. Thomas where he worked on his novel while his health deteriorated. Despite his precarious life in exile, Bergeaud remained silent about Soulouque in his decisively political novel Stella. As Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Madeleine Dobie, and others have shown, the history of slavery has often been silenced in literature and public debate, but what does it mean for Bergeaud to silence the present and focus on the past? I argue that Stella in fact makes a significant intervention in the debates about mid-19th-century Haiti. Instead of confronting Soulouque directly, however, Bergeaud addresses a pair of structural problems of which I consider Soulouque and his policy emblematic expressions: decolonization and nationalization. Most existing readings have emphasized Bergeaud’s reflections on history, but in this contextualized analysis, I show that Bergeaud looks not only to the past but also and importantly to nature and natural right(s) philosophy in his novelistic search for a way forward for Haiti.


1978 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert K. Lacerte

Between 1791 when the Haitian revolution began, and the death of Henri Christophe in 1820, important economic changes occurred in Haiti which transformed one of the most prosperous plantation economies in the New World into a republic of peasant proprietors. While the political history of the revolution has received a moderate amount of attention, the economic and social changes which accompanied it have been poorly understood. It is the purpose of this study to focus on the internal developments which were occurring in an irresistible way to bring about a peasant economy and to delineate the responses of a variety of governments, both French and Haitian, to try to halt these changes.


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