scholarly journals Research on the International Exchange and Cooperation in Education under the BRI Based on Review of the Documentary Materials

CONVERTER ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 134-149
Author(s):  
Zhiyun Cai
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Academic Support ◽  
Cultural Exchange ◽  
International Exchange ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Educational Exchange ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Cultural Exchanges ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Belt And Road

Based on case analyses of educational exchange between China and the Soviet Union in 1950s recorded in documentary materials, this study probes into the ways to establish, under the guidance of “the Belt and Road Initiative”, cultural diplomatic relations and educational cooperation among countries and regions along the Belt and Road by giving a chronological study of China’s cultural diplomacy. And on that basis, it further explores how cultural exchange and international relations connect and influence each other with an analysis from both diachronic and synchronic perspectives. This study will provide academic support for the Belt and Road countries to carry out cultural exchanges, and it is particularly instructive for them to explore new ways and countermeasures of educational exchange.

scholarly journals China’s Eurasia: the Belt and Road Initiative and the Creation of a New Eurasian Power

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-121
Author(s):  
Tom Harper
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Meiji Restoration ◽  
Common Definition ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Belt And Road

Abstract The Belt and Road Initiative alongside the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation are the latest phase of China’s return to the Eurasian landmass after the collapse of the Soviet Union. China has reshaped Eurasia in several ways, which includes the common definition of this concept, which had largely been perceived as a chiefly Russian entity. This is rooted in Halford Mackinder’s The Geographical Pivot of History, which depicted the Eurasian landmass as a threat to Britain’s maritime hegemony with the advent of rail. While the traditional focus had been on Eurasia as the Russian empire, Mackinder also alluded to a Eurasian empire created by ‘Chinese organised by Japanese’ as a result of the latter’s development during the Meiji Restoration. While this did not come to pass, it has become an imperative to consider the notion of an Asian power in Eurasia due to China’s rise. The purpose of this paper is to argue that China is as much a Eurasian power in the vein of Mackinder’s theories as Russia is, with the BRI providing a potential opportunity to further integrate with Eurasia. In addition, the initiative is also symbolic of China’s bid to create an alternative order both in Eurasia and the wider world as part of its global role to challenge the dominance of the United States, which raises the spectre of Mackinder’s warning over a challenger emerging from the Eurasian Heartland.

Willy Brandt's Eastern Policy

Worldview ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-16
Author(s):  
Donald Brandon
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
East Germany ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Cultural Exchange ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
East European ◽  
The Soviet Union

Five years ago West German Chancellor Ludwig Erhard and Foreign Minister Gerhard Schroeder launched a tentative “Opening to the East” which marked a break with Konrad Adenauer's relatively rigid approach to, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The “Grand Conbtion” of the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats continued the experiment from 1966-1969. The Hallstein Doctrine—no diplomatic relations with any country which had such relations with East Germany (the Soviet Union being the sole exception)—was abandoned. West Germany established diplomatic relations with the maverick Rumanian regime, and re-established relations with Tito's Yugoslavia. Several trade and cultural exchange agreements were entered into with East European Communist nations.

scholarly journals Under the “Belt and Road” initiative, the China and Ukraine governments should assume greater responsibility to promote trade

2019 ◽  
pp. 30-39
Author(s):  
Haipeng Zhao ◽  
K. Bliumska-Danko ◽  
Xu Lu
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Road Construction ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Economic Exchanges ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Belt And Road

Purpose: Ukraine is located in Eastern Europe, has a good geographical location, and has good bilateral relations and traditional economic exchanges with China, especially agriculture, high-tech, and existing and ongoing cooperation projects with China. "There are also difficulties in construction: Ukraine's economy has been in a difficult period since independence, its economic structure is very uneven, and its economic relations with Eastern European and CIS countries, as well as Russian economic relations, need to be improved. Ukraine needs to restore its national strength. China's "Belt and Road" initiative and the diplomatic concept of building a community of shared future for mankind have determined that the Chinese government is willing to help Ukraine restore its strength and restore normal political, economic, and diplomatic relations with neighboring countries. It will benefit the people through the improvement of the national economy This article aims to analyze how the two sides can use the "Belt and Road" platform to develop economic relations and strengthen cooperation to achieve mutual benefit results. Methodology: This article uses the literature research method, the combination of analysis and synthesis methods, observation method, investigation method. Originality: Since the Soviet Union, Ukraine has started friendly exchanges with China. After the founding of New China in 1949, Ukraine, as a part of the Soviet Union, made a greater contribution to China establishment of its national steel, machinery, agriculture and other basic industries. After Ukraine's independence, China-Ukraine relations have entered a new stage. China was the first country to recognize Ukraine's independence and established diplomatic relations with it on January 4, 1992. In the past 30 years of Ukraine's independence, the two countries have not had any conflicts of interest and no serious political and economic contradictions. The "Belt and Road" initiative proposed by Xi Jinping in 2013 provided a new platform for bilateral relations and created unprecedented opportunities for the development of bilateral relations. In the "Belt and Road" construction, Ukraine should play a greater role. Practical value: Participating in the "Belt and Road" construction is also a very important opportunity for Ukraine, helping the Chinese people to have a more comprehensive and clearer understanding of Ukraine, and more importantly, it is conducive to the trade between the two countries to bring more Ukrainian enterprises Trade exchanges to drive the economic development of Ukraine. Politically, Ukraine and China have good bilateral relations；On June 20, 2011, the two sides signed the "China-Ukraine Joint Partnership on the Establishment and Development of Strategic Partnerships. Economically, Ukraine and China have complementary economies. Economic exchanges have been established since the Soviet Union. In recent years, the existing and ongoing cooperation between Ukraine and China has continued to develop in high-tech fields such as agriculture, machine manufacturing, and aviation. More and more Ukrainian experts have pointed out that developing relations between Ukraine and China should become a priority direction of Ukraine's current foreign policy. Ukraine has a strong advantage in agriculture, military industry, and manufacturing, especially the engine manufacturing industry, and can develop machine manufacturing; Ukraine can provide transportation for China “Belt and Road” Convenient conditions.

Enemy Number One

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rósa Magnúsdóttir
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Peaceful Coexistence ◽  
Stalin Era ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Cultural Exchanges ◽  
Inferiority Complex ◽  
Available Information

Enemy Number One tells the story of Soviet propaganda and ideology toward the United States during the early Cold War. From Stalin’s anti-American campaign to Khrushchev’s peaceful coexistence, this book covers Soviet efforts to control available information about the United States and to influence the development of Soviet-American cultural relations until official cultural exchanges were realized between the two countries. The Soviet and American veterans of the legendary 1945 meeting on the Elbe and their subsequent reunions represent the changes in the superpower relationship: during the late Stalin era, the memory of the wartime alliance was fully silenced, but under Khrushchev it was purposefully revived and celebrated as a part of the propaganda about peaceful coexistence. The author brings to life the propaganda warriors and ideological chiefs of the early Cold War period in the Soviet Union, revealing their confusion and insecurities as they tried to navigate the uncertain world of the late Stalin and early Khrushchev cultural bureaucracy. She also shows how concerned Soviet authorities were with their people’s presumed interest in the United States of America, resorting to monitoring and even repression, thereby exposing the inferiority complex of the Soviet project as it related to the outside world.

Ballet in the Cold War

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Searcy
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Cultural Exchange ◽  
The United States ◽  
Performing Artists ◽  
Exchange Programs ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War

During the Cold War, the governments of the United States and the Soviet Union developed cultural exchange programs, in which they sent performing artists abroad in order to generate goodwill for their countries. Ballet companies were frequently called on to serve in these programs, particularly in the direct Soviet-American exchange. This book analyzes four of the early ballet exchange tours, demonstrating how this series of encounters changed both geopolitical relations and the history of dance. The ballet tours were enormously popular. Performances functioned as an important symbolic meeting point for Soviet and American officials, creating goodwill and normalizing relations between the two countries in an era when nuclear conflict was a real threat. At the same time, Soviet and American audiences did not understand ballet in the same way. As American companies toured in the Soviet Union and vice versa, audiences saw the performances through the lens of their own local aesthetics. Ballet in the Cold War introduces the concept of transliteration to understand this process, showing how much power viewers wielded in the exchange and explaining how the dynamics of the Cold War continue to shape ballet today.

scholarly journals Manifestation of the Internal Systemic Conflict in Mongolia

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
K. Demberel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Investment Boom ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second Period

The article deals with the issue of Mongolia's foreign policy during the Cold War. This period is divided into two parts. The first period, 1945-1960s, is a period of conflict between two systems: socialism and capitalism. In this first period of the Cold War Mongolia managed to establish diplomatic relations with socialist countries of Eastern Europe, as the “system allowed”. The second period, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s, is the period of the conflict of the socialist system, the period of the Soviet-Chinese confrontation. During this period Mongolia's foreign policy changed dramatically and focused on the Soviet Union. This was due to the Soviet investment «boom» that began in 1960s and the entry of Soviet troops on the territory of Mongolia in 1967. The Soviet military intervention into Mongolia was one of the main reasons for cooling the Soviet-Chinese relations. And military withdrawal contributed to the improvement of Soviet-Chinese relations until the mid-1980s and one of the conditions for improving relations with their neighbors. The internal systemic conflict had a serious impact on Mongolia's foreign policy over those years.

Soviet-Brazilian Relations and the Cuban Missile Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-209
Author(s):  
James G. Hershberg
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Research Note ◽  
Cuban Missile Crisis ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
The U.S

Using materials from the Russian Foreign Ministry archive in Moscow (combined with previously obtained Brazilian and U.S. sources), this research note presents fresh evidence about Soviet-Brazilian relations and the October 1962 Cuban missile crisis, supplementing a detailed, two-part article published in the Journal of Cold War Studies in 2004 exploring Brazil's secret mediation between John F. Kennedy and Fidel Castro at the height of the crisis. The new evidence illuminates a previously hidden “double game” that Brazil's president, João Goulart, played during the crisis as he alternated between meetings with the U.S. ambassador and Nikita Khrushchev's recently arrived envoy (Brazil and the Soviet Union had just restored diplomatic relations after a fifteen-year break). The new evidence from Moscow suggests that Goulart, who vowed solidarity with Washington and even toasted Kennedy's “victory” when talking to the U.S. ambassador, took a completely different approach when speaking to Soviet officials, expressing strong sympathy and even support for Khrushchev.

German-Soviet Relations and the Anglo-Soviet Break, 1927

Slavic Review ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-83
Author(s):  
Harvey L. Dyck
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
International Crisis ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Great Debate ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Soviet Trade ◽  
Foreign Ministry

In May 1927 Sir Austen Chamberlain precipitated the first great international crisis of the post-Locarno period by denouncing the Anglo-Soviet trade agreement and severing Britain's diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. Although Germany was not directly involved, the dispute nevertheless was to have a profoundly disturbing effect on German-Soviet relations. By raising the possibility of a wide-ranging diplomatic, economic, and perhaps even military confrontation between London and Moscow, it strained Germany's diplomatic system, which rested on the Locarno Pact (1925) and the Treaty of Berlin (1926). Thus it posed some fundamental questions for the German Foreign Ministry: Were the policies associated with those agreements compatible with each other only in fair weather? Did Germany have the freedom to remain neutral if the dispute should deepen? In short, was it still realistic to believe that Germany could maintain equally intimate ties with London and Moscow? Because Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann had previously denned a balancing role as the sine qua non of Germany's international revival, the imbroglio soon led to a great debate in the Wilhelmstrasse. The issue on which it turned was, as a leading participant observed, “whether Germany's ties with Russia are worth enough to our present and future political interests so that it pays to assume the political expenses and risks involved in maintaining them.”

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