The U.S. colonial education project : race, citizenship & schools in the Philippines, 1901-1916

The subprime mortgage crisis in the U.S. in mid-2008 suggests that stock prices volatility do spillover from one market to another after international stock markets downturn. The purpose of this paper is to examine the magnitude of return and volatility spillovers from developed markets (the U.S. and Japan) to eight emerging equity markets (India, China, Indonesia, Korea, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, Thailand) and Vietnam. Employing a mean and volatility spillover model that deals with the U.S. and Japan shocks and day effects as exogenous variables in ARMA(1,1), GARCH(1,1) for Asian emerging markets, the study finds some interesting findings. Firstly, the day effect is present on six out of nine studied markets, except for the Indian, Taiwanese and Philippine. Secondly, the results of return spillover confirm significant spillover effects across the markets with different magnitudes. Specifically, the U.S. exerts a stronger influence on the Malaysian, Philippine and Vietnamese market compared with Japan. In contrast, Japan has a higher spillover effect on the Chinese, Indian, Korea, and Thailand than the U.S. For the Indonesian market, the the return effect is equal. Finally, there is no evidence of a volatility effect of the U.S. and Japanese markets on the Asian emerging markets in this study.

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Institutionalized Ambiguity in Legal Status: Managing Citizenship in the U.S. Imperial Rule of the Philippines

10.31235/osf.io/39g6b ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Katrina Quisumbing King

Keyword(s):

Legal Status ◽

The Philippines ◽

The Political ◽

Administrative Capacity ◽

Law And Policy ◽

State Actors ◽

Political Realm ◽

The U.S ◽

Scholarly Attention ◽

Do So

A perennial question in the scholarship of the state asks how states rule and expand their capacity to do so. Scholars have paid special attention to activities that rationalize and build administrative capacity, known as legibility projects. Alongside these projects, state actors also rule through ambiguous and unclear techniques that have been given less scholarly attention. I introduce the concept of institutionalized ambiguity in legal status to extend the study of state rule. I ask what generates ambiguity, what purposes it serves in law and policy, and what consequences it has for the management of populations. I propose an analytic approach that draws attention to equivocation in law as enabling classificatory debates and discretion in the political realm. To illustrate the purchase of institutionalized ambiguity in legal status, I analyze how, during the years of formal imperial rule (1898-1946), U.S. state actors debated the racial fitness and membership of Filipinos in the imagined U.S. nation. I consider the broader implications of this analysis for scholars of modern state formation and suggest that foundational conflicts over national identity can be institutionalized in law, in turn facilitating a range of contradictory, but co-existing, legally defensible policies.

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U.S. Security Strategy and Southeast Asia

China, The United States, and the Future of Southeast Asia ◽

10.18574/nyu/9781479866304.003.0013 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Marvin C. Ott

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

Southeast Asia ◽

The United States ◽

The Philippines ◽

Spanish American ◽

Security Strategy ◽

Spanish American War ◽

Spanish Colonial ◽

Manila Bay ◽

The U.S

With the exception of the Philippines, America’s strategic interest in and engagement with Southeast Asia begins with World War II. Prior to that “Monsoon Asia” was remote and exotic—a place of fabled kingdoms, jungle headhunters, and tropical seas. By the end of the nineteenth century European powers had established colonial rule over the entire region except Thailand. Then, as the twentieth century dawned, the Spanish colonial holdings in the Philippines suddenly and unexpectedly became available to the United States as an outcome of the Spanish-American War and Admiral Dewey’s destruction of the decrepit Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. This chapter examines the strategic pivot in Southeast Asia and the role China plays in affecting the U.S. position in this region.

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Conclusion

Choreographing in Color ◽

10.1093/oso/9780190054274.003.0006 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 143-162

Author(s):

J. Lorenzo Perillo

Keyword(s):

Feminist Theory ◽

Cultural Politics ◽

Hip Hop ◽

Imaging Technique ◽

Holistic Approach ◽

The Philippines ◽

Black Feminist Theory ◽

Black Feminist ◽

Historical Significance ◽

The U.S

The conclusion reflect on the meaning of Hip-Hop dance as witnessed in the U.S. embassy’s diplomatic convention “America in 3D: Diplomacy, Development, and Defense” (2011) in the Philippines. It argues for more engagement between Black feminist theory and Filipina performances, like “Pinays Rise,” a dance within the convention that challenged gender and class stereotypes of Filipinas as caregivers. The conclusion first analyzes “Pinays Rise,” and then connects the convention’s theme to the historical significance of stereoscopy, or the depth-enhancing imaging technique. The conclusion reviews the book’s main arguments and addresses the potential uses for performative euphemism in academic studies of culture and race. Finally, it calls for a holistic approach to Hip-Hop that reckons with discourses of Filipino cultural politics and dance.

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Chinese Geopolitics in Southeast Asia: A New Pattern of Economic Power within ASEAN?

Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques ◽

10.1515/asia-2017-0049 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 73 (1) ◽

pp. 149-191

Author(s):

Ralph Michael Wrobel

Keyword(s):

Southeast Asia ◽

The Philippines ◽

Great Power ◽

Economic Power ◽

Economic Activities ◽

Related Data ◽

Brunei Darussalam ◽

Asean Countries ◽

Great Game ◽

The U.S

AbstractSoutheast Asia is of highest geostrategic interest for China as a rising Great Power as well as for the U.S. and its ally Japan. Since the “Pivot to East Asia” of the Obama administration in Washington in 2011 observers are discussing a “New Great Game” in the region. But has China already established a “backyard” by its economic activities in Southeast Asia and in particular in ASEAN countries? What is the spatial pattern of China’s activities? As an analysis of FDI stocks as well as trade related data show ASEAN countries can be divided into several groups. (1) China’s small neighbour Laos dominated by Chinese FDI. (2) Countries like Cambodia and Myanmar partly dominated by Chinese FDI. (3) Countries with different trade ties to China but mostly strong military or diplomatic ties to the U.S. like Singapore, the Philippines, Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and (4) the independent Brunei Darussalam. Therefore, Southeast Asia and in particular ASEAN cannot be called a Chinese “backyard” yet. But if U.S. president Trump withdraws the U.S. attention from the region China could be able to achieve a hegemonic position in the region soon.

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Trial without Jury in Guam, USA

Law and History Review ◽

10.1017/s0738248018000627 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 38 (4) ◽

pp. 811-841

Author(s):

Katherine Unterman

Keyword(s):

Puerto Rico ◽

Participatory Democracy ◽

Virgin Islands ◽

The Philippines ◽

American Empire ◽

Administration Of Justice ◽

Jury Trials ◽

Civil Trials ◽

Independence Movements ◽

The U.S

This article adds to the growing literature about how the Supreme Court's decisions in the Insular Cases affected the residents of the U.S. territories. It focuses on the territory of Guam, which lacked juries in both criminal and civil trials until 1956–nearly sixty years after the island became a U.S. possession. Residents of Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Virgin Islands had limited jury trials, but Guam was left out due to its strategic military significance as well as racialized ideas about the capabilities of Chamorros, the native inhabitants of the island. This article recovers the struggle by Guamanians to gain jury trials. It argues that independence movements, like those in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, were not the only forms of resistance to American empire. Through petitions, court challenges, and other forms of activism, Guamanians pushed for jury trials as a way to assert local agency and engage in participatory democracy. For them, the Insular Cases were not just abstract rulings about whether the Constitution followed the flag; they deeply affected the administration of justice on the ground for ordinary Guamanians.

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The War of Translation: Colonial Education, American English, and Tagalog Slang in the Philippines

The Journal of Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s0021911814002241 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 74 (2) ◽

pp. 283-302 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Vicente L. Rafael

Keyword(s):

American English ◽

The Philippines ◽

Medium Of Instruction ◽

Colonial Education ◽

Native Students ◽

Colonial Mentality ◽

Continued Use ◽

Alternative Understanding

This paper examines the role of language in nationalist attempts at decolonization. In the case of the Philippines, American colonial education imposed English as the sole medium of instruction. Native students were required to suppress their vernacular languages so that the classroom became the site for a kind of linguistic war, or better yet, the war of translation. Nationalists have routinely denounced the continued use of English as a morbid symptom of colonial mentality. Yet, such a view was deeply tied to the colonial notion of the sheer instrumentality of language and the notion that translation was a means for the speaker to dominate language as such. However, other practices of translation existed based not on domination but play seen in the classroom and the streets. Popular practices of translation undercut colonial and nationalist ideas about language, providing us with an alternative understanding of translation in democratizing expression in a postcolonial context.

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Counterinsurgency in United States Army History, 1860 to 1975

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History ◽

10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.257 ◽

2020 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Robert J. Thompson

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Vietnam War ◽

United States Army ◽

American History ◽

The United States ◽

The Philippines ◽

Indian Wars ◽

Empire Building ◽

Use Of Technology ◽

The U.S

American history is replete with instances of counterinsurgency. An unsurprising reality considering the United States has always participated in empire building, thus the need to pacify resistance to expansion. For much of its existence, the U.S. has relied on its Army to pacify insurgents. While the U.S. Army used traditional military formations and use of technology to battle peer enemies, the same strategy did not succeed against opponents who relied on speed and surprise. Indeed, in several instances, insurgents sought to fight the U.S. Army on terms that rendered superior manpower and technology irrelevant. By introducing counterinsurgency as a strategy, the U.S. Army attempted to identify and neutralize insurgents and the infrastructure that supported them. Discussions of counterinsurgency include complex terms, thus readers are provided with simplified, yet accurate definitions and explanations. Moreover, understanding the relevant terms provided continuity between conflicts. While certain counterinsurgency measures worked during the American Civil War, the Indian Wars, and in the Philippines, the concept failed during the Vietnam War. The complexities of counterinsurgency require readers to familiarize themselves with its history, relevant scholarship, and terminology—in particular, counterinsurgency, pacification, and infrastructure.

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