scholarly journals One Country, Two Polarised Audiences: Estonia and the Deficiency of the Audiovisual Media Services Directive

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andres Jõesaar

This article argues that until recent times, the Estonian media policy has mainly been interpreted as an economic issue and it did not account for the strategic need to build a comprehensive media field to serve all groups in society. This has happened despite the fact the Estonian media policy is in line with the European Union (EU) media policy, which should ensure freedom of information, diversity of opinion and media pluralism. Findings of the Estonian case study show that despite these noble aims, Estonia has two radically different information fields: one for Estonian speaking audiences and one for Russian speakers. Events in Ukraine have added to the democratic media policy paradigm a question of national security. Now it is a challenge for the policy makers to unite polarised media fields and how to minimise the impact of Russian propaganda. On the EU level, one supportive measure could be a revision of the Audiovisual Media Service Directive.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 3687
Author(s):  
Vincent Smith ◽  
Justus H. H. Wesseler ◽  
David Zilberman

This perspective discusses the impact of political economy on the regulation of modern biotechnology. Modern biotechnology has contributed to sustainable development, but its potential has been underexplored and underutilized. We highlight the importance of the impacts of regulations for investments in modern biotechnology and argue that improvements are possible via international harmonization of approval processes. This development is urgently needed for improving sustainable development. Policy makers in the European Union (EU) in particular are challenged to rethink their approach to regulating modern biotechnology as their decisions have far ranging consequences beyond the boundaries of the EU and they have the power to influence international policies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Andres Jõesaar

The European Union’s (EU) liberalisation of media policies and its content quality bias towards economic efficiency has resulted in a situation where, in some small markets like Estonia, the audience is divided into two parts. The Russian-speaking audience in Estonia mainly follows Russian state TV channels, and the Estonian-speaking audience watches Estonian television channels. This has happened even though the EU media policy should ensure freedom of information, diversity of opinion and media pluralism. Findings from the Estonian case study show that despite the noble aim of the EU media policy, Estonia has two radically different information fields: Estonian-language media promotes European values, and Russian state media, enjoying high popularity among the Russian speakers, promotes ‘Putin’s values’.The question is whether the EU legal instrument — Audiovisual Me­dia Service Directive (AVMSD) — is an efficient tool when disinformation from third countries is disseminated with the aim of gaining a political in­fluence over the EU member states’ citizens. The recommendation is that the AVMSD should be revised in a way that prevents unfair competition directed from third countries and tools should be developed to compensate for market failures.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-30
Author(s):  
Cristina Bătușaru ◽  
Amelia Bucur

Abstract Analysis of the role and implications of the funds coming from the European Union have on the national economy is very complex and complicated at the same time, because of the multitude of issues and indicators that this process shapes and drives, depending on the source of funding, the modality of funding and on the destination for which it has been allocated. Using mathematical models to assess the impact of European funding on the national economy is paramount valuable as it brings important information that can be used by policy makers in decision making sewage inputs and financial resources, in view of adopting optimal economic policy


Land ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathias Eistrup ◽  
Ana Rita Sanches ◽  
José Muñoz-Rojas ◽  
Teresa Pinto Correia

The existence of a “young farmer problem” in Europe has been recognized by scientists and policy-makers and is based on the widespread acknowledgement of the poor generational renewal rates in the farming sector and in particular in farmland management across the European Union. Despite existing support policy measures, young farmers (YF) face barriers which hamper the establishment and consolidation of their farming enterprises. Focusing on Alentejo (NUTS II), in Portugal, this paper identifies the difficulties YF face to accessing land, the high investment costs required to set up a farming unit, and the insufficient access to credit as the main reasons why young people are prevented from setting up their farming enterprises. Existing policy support measures targeting YF are widely perceived as inefficient with regard to triggering generational renewal. Hence, our findings suggest that not only is it necessary to pay greater attention to the complex question of land tenure, but that also the impact of policies implemented in the past should be examined in detail in order to develop and implement more effective measures that are sensitive to the different national and regional contexts.


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 255-288
Author(s):  
Anca D Chirita

AbstractThis chapter aims to understand the general nature of the current economic crisis from a socio-legal, economic, ideological and political perspective and to analyse the complexity of the multiple causes which have led to this crisis. The impact of the crisis on different areas of law is also considered, especially on banking, securities, contract, competition and corporate law. Furthermore, the article aims to criticise law in action and the management of the crisis through political decision-making (state intrusiveness), that is, the various responses and reactions to the crisis and the effectiveness of the measures implemented by policy-makers and enforcers. In particular, this article questions the constitutional legitimacy of the TBTF (Too-Big-to-Fail) theory as a predominant doctrine and criterion of state intervention in the economy. The chapter carries out a multi-layered analysis that covers aspects of economic, social, and political governance. It also draws insights from microeconomics—looking at how economic agents have affected individuals such as consumers—and from macroeconomics—looking at how state intervention in the economy has impacted upon taxpayers and considering the economic and social costs of the crisis. Finally, it approaches the crisis from the perspective of political economy by looking through the lenses of ideology and policy and by reflecting on the role of neoliberalism today.


2000 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
Susan Forde

Debates about media ownership concentration have continued in Australia over the past half-century, and particularly in the last decade since Murdoch's News Ltd took over the Herald and Weekly Times group of newspapers in 1986–87. At the time, and at the subsequent 1991 Lee print media inquiry, the press subsidies system operating in Sweden received some attention from researchers and policy-makers alike as a possible solution to further increases in media ownership concentration in Australia. In light of recent inquiries into media ownership in Australia, particularly the Productivity Commission, it is now timely to consider Sweden's approach to media policy in the late 1990s. In particular, this paper will focus on the 1999 report by the Media Concentration Group in Sweden, which examined issues such as the future of print and broadcast legislation, and the impact of convergence on media policy. As Sweden — and indeed the Scandinavian region — has long held one of the most diverse media ownership environments in the Western world, their future policy directions may provide some options for Australian media policy researchers and policy-makers.


Author(s):  
Maja Brkan

This paper examines the impact of data-driven political campaigns on fundamental rights and democracy in the European Union. It demonstrates that such campaigns risk curtailing a number of rights and freedoms enshrined in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. They can affect voters’ right to respect for private life and protection of personal data (Articles 7 and 8 Charter) through the collection of massive amounts of personal data that serve as the base for profiling of voters. Moreover, they can restrain freedom of information of voters (Article 11 Charter) by providing them only partial information about campaigns of political parties. Furthermore, political manipulation stemming from targeted political advertising may affect the freedom of elections (Article 39(2) Charter), even though it might be a step too far to assert that the use of data-driven political campaigns undoubtedly leads to elections that are not ‘free’. Finally, the author cautions that it might be challenging to rely on the foundational legal category of democracy from Article 2 TEU, given that this provision needs to be given a concrete expression through another Treaty provision. Rather, in case of manipulative data-driven political campaigns, democracy as a value can be affected.


Author(s):  
Peter Jakobsson ◽  
Fredrik Stiernstedt

In much scholarly writing and in many leftist and activist accounts the enclosures of the cultural commons have been fiercely critiqued. However, during the last years, new media business models, that challenge the notion of the cultural industries as “copyright industries”, has been taking shape. A new class of entrepreneurs is instead working to expand the commons as part of their businesses. Accordingly, representatives from these new media industries, policy makers, and politicians have joined the academic and political critique of the “enclosures of the cultural common”. The paper argues that this is a shift within the dominant media policy paradigm and an attempt to integrate existing practices on the Internet, based on cooperation and sharing, into the market. By relocating the struggle from “intellectual property” to “platform economics”, the media industry can exploit the productivity of the commons while holding on to the power that comes with ownership and property.


2021 ◽  
pp. 60-78
Author(s):  
Andrei Smochina ◽  
◽  
Alexandru Tarna ◽  

Information technology changed the way we relate to information as any data posted on the Internet can remain accessible indefinitely. This ease of access undoubtedly favored the freedom of information, but the fundamental right to privacy of natural persons seems to be under threat in the absence of adequate legal mechanisms. Since recently the Court of Justice of the European Union (,,CJEU”) ruled in two cases (C136/17 and C-507/17) on a series of questions concerning the implementation of the right to de-referencing (digital right to be forgotten) and its territorial scope, this paper analyses the impact of those two judgments on the effectiveness of the right to be forgotten. On the one hand, we are witnessing its strengthening, especially as a result of the clarification that, in principle, the operator of a search engine is required to admit a request for de-referencing where the information relates to an earlier stage of a legal proceeding and no longer corresponds to the current situation. On the other hand, we find a limitation of its effectiveness, since, by default, the links removal by the operator of the search engine will only be done on the versions of that search engine corresponding to all member states. However, we must not forget that CJEU emphasized that, in the light of national standards of protection of fundamental rights, a supervisory or judicial authority of a member state remains competent to order, where appropriate, the operator of that search engine to carry out a de-referencing concerning all its versions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M K Koziol ◽  
M Z Z.urek

Abstract Background The conducted analysis emphasizes increasing problem of Clostridium difficile infections (CDI) in Poland. There are no other publications based on Polish healthcare data that would more precisely indicate the impact of risk factors for death after the infection. The purpose of the analysis was to present the incidence of CDI in the overall population of Poland in the years 2009-2018 and to evaluate the risk factors for death within 90 days after CDI infection. Methods In order to detect the incidence of CDI the data of the National Health Fund from years 2009-2018 were used. Code A04.7 from International Classification of Diseases (ICD-10) allowed to identify CDI. Risk factor analysis was based on 14 212 patients' hospitalizations in the year 2017. The risk factors were related to patient's medical history and demographic profile. Logistic regression was applied to estimate the impact of the defined variables on the death within 90 days after CDI infection. Results CDI incidence increased from 952 hospitalizations in 2009 to 14 582 hospitalizations in 2018. Morbidity of CDI infections (48,3/10 000 patient days in 2017) indicated Poland as the country with the highest prevalence in the European Union (average 2,38/10 000 patient days in 2016). 37,1% of the patients died within first 90 days after CDI infection in 2017. The most important factors that increases the chance of death are: age (>85 OR = 25,8, 65-84 OR = 10,5, 50-64 OR = 4,7 in comparison to age <50), AIDS/HIV (OR = 4,6), metastatic cancer (OR = 4,6), weight loss (OR = 2,6) and alcohol abuse (OR = 2,1). Conclusions The results indicated increasing problem of CDI in Poland. It is important to take precautions and use more effective treatment methods particularly in case of the most exposed populations. Furthermore, policy makers should pay attention to compliance with the principles of restricted sanitary procedures and increase awareness of CDI epidemiology among doctors. Key messages CDI is an increasing problem, unmentioned in health policy. Restricted sanitary procedures should be implemented in case of hospitalizations of older patients with comorbidities.


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