Adjusting epistemic gradients: The final particle <i>ba</i> in Mandarin Chinese conversation

Kobin H. Kendrick

doi:10.1558/eap.36120

Mirativity in Mandarin: The Sentence-Final Particle Le (了)

Open Linguistics ◽

10.1515/opli-2018-0029 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 4 (1) ◽

pp. 589-607 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Hongmei Fang

Keyword(s):

Mandarin Chinese ◽

Grammatical Category ◽

Final Particle ◽

Discourse Grammar ◽

Definition Of ◽

Interpersonal Level

Abstract Mirativity is a distinct grammatical category. In the literature, no mirative marker has been identified so far in Mandarin Chinese. This paper aims to argue that Mandarin Chinese is a language that has grammatical means of expressing mirativity. The sentence-final particle le (SF le) in Mandarin is a mirative marker in its own right. It encodes the information as newsworthy or surprising and occurs with different time references and Illocutions. Based on the data from SF le, this paper extends the definition of mirativity given by Hengeveld & Olbertz (2012) by proposing that mirativity can not only be targeted towards either the speaker or the addressee, but also towards both. Lastly, it is argued that mirativity should be accounted for at the layer of Communicated Content at the Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar.

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The Structure of Split Questions in Mandarin Chinese

Studies in Chinese Linguistics ◽

10.2478/scl-2020-0001 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 41 (1) ◽

pp. 1-32

Author(s):

Ting-Chi Wei

Keyword(s):

Mandarin Chinese ◽

Shell Structure ◽

Speech Act ◽

The Other ◽

Final Particle ◽

Focus Movement ◽

The One ◽

Split Questions ◽

Empty Subject ◽

Final Particles

AbstractThis article proposes a pro analysis for split questions (SQs) in Chinese, dissimilar to the biclausal account employing focus movement and deletion in Arregi 2010 and the one employing the silent head in Kayne 2015 and Tang 2015. SQ consists of a wh-clause and a tag clause. We argue that the entire SQ is an information/confirmation-seeking question, represented by a Speech Act Phrase (SAP)-shell structure (Speas and Tenny 2003; Oguro 2017, etc.) with wh-clause in its specifier and the tag in its complement. The tag of Chinese SQ is a base-generated clause, [pro (copula) tag ma/ne], composed of an empty subject pro, an optional copula, a tag, and a final particle, instead of being derived from a fully-fledged structure parallel to the wh-part akin to those of English and Spanish SQs. Such a pro analysis overcomes difficulties encountered in the other accounts regarding the distribution of the final particles and their clause-typing, the optionality of the copula, the ubiquitous uses of tag, the connectivity effects, and the island-insensitivity. Analytically, two seeming variants of SQ imply that the derivation of an SQ depends on whether its tag moves and whether a copula exists.

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A mitigator in Mandarin: the sentence-final particle ba (吧)

Open Linguistics ◽

10.1515/opli-2020-0018 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 6 (1) ◽

pp. 284-306

Author(s):

Hongmei Fang ◽

Kees Hengeveld

Keyword(s):

Mandarin Chinese ◽

Propositional Content ◽

New Classification ◽

Final Particle ◽

The Status ◽

Discourse Grammar ◽

Final Particles

AbstractIt has been widely claimed in the literature that the sentence-final particle ba in Mandarin Chinese is a modal element. This article argues against this claim and shows that ba is an element that has a unified mitigating function with scope over the utterance as a whole. Using the framework of Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG), and more specifically its hierarchical, layered organization, the article provides several arguments that support this new classification of ba. First, ba, like mitigators in general, but unlike modal elements, can occur in sentences with different basic illocutions. Second, ba may co-occur with modal elements of all different subtypes and thus cannot be a modal element itself. Third, ba may occur in sentences in which the speaker is highly confident of the propositional content. Fourth, unlike modal elements, ba may occur in certain types of non-propositional utterances. And fifth, the position that ba occupies with respect to other sentence-final particles shows that it has scope over the utterance as a whole. After thus arguing for the status of ba as a mitigator, we show how the general mitigating function of ba can acquire the more specific mitigating effects that have previously been attributed to it in the literature.

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Adjusting epistemic gradients: The final particle ba in Mandarin Chinese conversation

East Asian Pragmatics ◽

10.1558/10.1558/eap.36120 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 5-26

Author(s):

Kobin H. Kendrick

Keyword(s):

Conversation Analysis ◽

Mandarin Chinese ◽

Epistemic Position ◽

Final Particle ◽

Social Actions

In Mandarin Chinese conversation, the final particle ba contributes to the formation of a variety of social actions. Using the methods of conversation analysis, this article examines the use of the ba particle in answers to questions, informings, and assessments. It is argued that the particle serves as a turn-constructional resource for the adjustment of the epistemic gradient invoked in the sequence, downgrading the speaker’s epistemic position. In assessment sequences, the epistemic adjustment made by the particle also serves to solicit a response from the recipient who invariably has knowledge of the matter in question. An analysis of the ba particle in terms of epistemic gradients and their adjustment unifies two accounts of the particle’s function put forward in the literature.

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analysis of Mandarin Chinese final particle ba in dispreferred responses

East Asian Pragmatics ◽

10.1558/eap.38007 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 4 (2) ◽

pp. 239-261

Author(s):

Jun Xu

Keyword(s):

Conversation Analysis ◽

Mandarin Chinese ◽

Linguistic Features ◽

Final Particle ◽

Negative Valence ◽

Close Relationship

In Mandarin Chinese conversation, the final particle ba is considered to performvariousfunctions. Using conversation analysis, this article examines the use of thefinal particle ba in dispreferred responses. It is argued that the particle ba is usedto mitigate negative valence with delays, alternative choices, accounts, and pro-formaagreement as well as other linguistic features in disagreements and decliningsuggestions or invitations. Also, the results reveal a close relationship between theparticle ba functioning as a mitigator or displaying a speaker's uncertainty in socialactions as well as sequential positions.

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