scholarly journals Радянські шведи в пошуках кращого життя: між Швецією та СРСР

2021 ◽  
pp. 115-120
Author(s):  
Тетяна Леонідівна Кудрицька

The article analyzes the short period of the Soviet Swedes living outside the USSR in Sweden (while their re-emigration). It is proved that majority of the native Swedes saw the common roots with the Soviet Swedes diaspora, approved their reunion and admired their ability to preserve national identity for a long period (about two hundred years) of living outside Sweden. Their arrival in the Motherland was called as reunification. However, there was also a different opinion among the native Swedish society. Some parts of the Swedes were criticising the Swedish government for the financial support of the resettlement. In the context of the economic crisis in the country, the Soviet Swedes were considered as a labor force. The Swedish government set up a committee to take care of the migrants` adaptation. The committee planned to сonnect the Soviet Swedes to successful farmers so that they could get business experience. The settlers were reported that all the money, having spent on their settlement, was only a government loan that they would have to repay. The mismatch between the expectations and the reality, the new conditions and requirements (loans and interest rates, capitalist competition and a new type of society) they faced, gave rise to the Soviet Swedes' desire to seek an even better fate. The last one they traditionally associated with relocation and emigration. Under the influence of the communist propaganda, some poor Swedes decided to return to the USSR. Changing their plans for future, they considered their departure to Sweden as a reckless step and proclaimed the Soviet Union their only true homeland. The back return of 265 Swedes (33% of the diaspora) to the USSR proved that the mentality of the Ukrainian Swedish immigrants had been changed by the Bolsheviks power and national policy. It turned out that the paternalistic policy of the state during the Russian Empire and the uninitiated life during the Soviet era (when the Swedes realized that nothing depended on them) did make some of them a kind of "other" people. This thing changed them so much that they were ready to be satisfied with small possibilities. That is why they were unable to take risks, could not live under the condition of competitive society and capitalist market. 

Author(s):  
Valerii Kononenko ◽  

The aim of the article is to analyze the state policy towards the national minorities of Ukraine of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations of the period of formation of the Soviet goverment in Ukraine. The author explores the peculiarities of the formation and change of the national policy of the Bolsheviks on the eve of the October coup of 1917 and during the functioning of the Ukrainian People’s Republic of Soviets (UPR Soviets) and the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (USSR). The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific and special-historical methods of scientific research. Using the method of content analysis, the main Bolshevik legal acts of the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime are analyzed, which reflect the basic principles and provisions of the national policy of the first Ukrainian Soviet state formations on the territory of Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author focused on the evolution and functioning of the national policy of the Bolsheviks in Ukraine depending on internal and external factors that were associated with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime of 1917 – 1920’s. Conclusions. We believe that the policy of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations during the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime towards the national minorities of Ukraine was an indispensable component of the national policy of the Bolsheviks of the RSFSR. The flirtation with the national liberation movements of the former peoples of the Russian Empire through the «right to self-determination» and the «right to national and cultural life» weakened with the stages of Bolshevism in Ukraine, and disappeared altogether with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime. Belief in the rapid and «triumphant» future victory of communism at the initial stage of Soviet rule in Ukraine deprived the Ukrainian Bolsheviks of the opportunity to determine the basic principles and provisions of national and cultural policy toward Ukraine’s ethnic minorities. Preserving the «independent» status of Soviet Ukraine during the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian SSR was nothing more than a tactical step in the process of «convergence» of national Soviet formations in the natural process of victory of communism.


2020 ◽  
pp. 79-87
Author(s):  
A. M. Mustafabeyli

After collapse of the USSA the process of new national self-identifi cation actively started off in the former soviet republics of the Central Asia and it was actually the basis of the ideological doctrines of the countries which were in the course of building. The idea of this was the self-affi rmation of the nations who became independent and gained the statehood for the fi rst time in their history or after the interval of hundreds years. As the modern Central Asian ideologists imagined the past had to create in the minds of their people the sense of pride and patriotism that had to make the national states stand up stronger. At such a background the common history of the Central Asia with the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union is interpreted as the period of invasion and enslavement of the Centrale Asian people.


Author(s):  
Zhang Hong ◽  
Wei-qing Cao ◽  
Ting Li Yang ◽  
Jin Kui Chu

Abstract This paper is the second of a series of two papers which designed a new type of load balancing mechanisms for planetary gearings with arbitrary number of planets. In this paper the common expression of the non-uniform load share factor was deduced, and a function parameter:force-arm factor and their solution was given. That makes it possible that the dimensions and the ability of load equilibrium of Multi-Link Load Balancing Mechanisms can be determined. The criteria of optimum load balancing Mechanisms selection were set up with consider of the effects of turning pair clearances, and optimum mechanisms were selected among the 15 candidates obtained in Part 1. Finally, it was demonstrated that the optimum multi-link load balancing mechanisms for arbitrary number of planets had the similar topological structures and same function and performence of load equilibrium.


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-398
Author(s):  
Boris Mironov

Abstract In the Soviet Union from 1917 to 1990, the political inequality of the nationalities’ representation in institutions of governance was overcome, non-Russians’ participation in the power structures increased, and Russians’ role in administration correspondingly decreased. The increased non-Russian percentage in governance was mainly due to the introduction of the democratic principle in government formation, according to which ethnicities should participate in proportion to their number. By 1990 in the USSR overall, Russians had a slight majority in all power structures, corresponding roughly to their higher share in the country’s population. In the union republics, however, the situation was different. Only in the RSFSR did all peoples, Russian and non-Russian, participate in government administration in proportion to their numbers, following the democratic norm. Elsewhere, Russians were underrepresented and therefore discriminated against in all organs of power, including the legislative branch. Representatives of non-Russian titular nationalities, who on average filled two-thirds of all administrative positions, predominated in disproportion to their numbers. Given these representatives’ skill majority in legislative bodies, republican constitutions permitted them to adopt any laws and resolutions they desired, including laws on secession from the USSR; and the executive and judicial authorities, together with law enforcement, would undoubtedly support them. Thus, the structural prerequisites for disintegration were established. Thereafter, the fate of the Soviet Union depended on republican elites and the geopolitical environment, because of the Center’s purposeful national policy, aimed toward increasing non-Russian representation among administrative cadres and the accelerated modernization and developmental equalization of the republics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Boris Martynov

The article deals with the evolution of views of the Brazilian authors on the role, played by the Soviet Union in the WWII and its contribution to the victory of the anti-Hitlerian coalition. It contains a historiographical review of the works, written by the Brazilian authors on the theme, beginning from 2004. One follows the process of their growing interest towards clarifying the real contribution of the Soviet part to the common victory, along with the rise of the international authority of Brazil and strengthening of the Russo – Brazilian ties. One reveals the modern attitude of Brazilian authors towards such dubious or scarcely known themes as the Molotov – Ribbentrop pact, the battles for Smolensk and Rhzev, town–bound fights in Stalingrad, liberation of the Baltic republics, the Soviet war with Japan, etc. The author comes to conclusion, that in spite of the Western efforts to infuse the people`s conscience with the elements of the “post – truth” in this respect, the correct treatment of those events acquires priority even in such a far off from Russia state, as Brazil.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-292
Author(s):  
Victoria I. Zhuravleva ◽  

The article focuses on the debatable issues of Russian-American relations from 1914 until the fall of Tsarism, such as the degree of the two countries’ rapprochement, ethnic questions, the positive dynamics of mutual images and the intensified process of Russians and Americans studying each other. Based on primary and secondary sources, this work intends to emphasize that the conflict element in bilateral relations did not hamper cooperation between the two states. The author’s multipronged and interdisciplinary approach allowed her to conclude that the United Sates was ready to engage in wide-ranging interaction with the Russian Empire regardless of their ideological differences. From the author’s point of view, it was the pragmatic agenda that aided the states’ mutual interest in destroying the stereotypes of their counterpart and stimulated Russian Studies in the US and American Studies in Russia. Therefore, the “honeymoon” between the two states had started long before the 1917 February Revolution. However, Wilson strove to turn Russia not so much into an object of US’ “dollar diplomacy”, but into a destination of its “crusade” for democracy. The collapse of the monarchy provided an additional impetus for liberal internationalism by integrating the Russian “Other” into US foreign policy. Ultimately, an ideological (value-based) approach emerged as a stable trend in structuring America’s attitude toward Russia (be it the Soviet Union or post-Soviet Russia).


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Nikitin ◽  
Irina Bolgova ◽  
Yulia Nikitina

This article analyses the peace-making activities of Soviet/Russian nongovernmental public organisations (NGOs) with reference to the Federation for Peace and Conciliation, the successor of the Soviet Peace Committee. NGOs were formed at the initiative of the state and party organs of the Soviet system but were transformed into independent NGOs after the collapse of the USSR with their own active strategy of assistance in conflict resolution. This study is based upon unique archive materials and the personal experience of one of the authors, who used to work for such organisations. The study focuses on the ethnopolitical conflicts which took place between the collapse of the USSR and the mid‑1990s. There is a widespread opinion in academic literature that so-called non-governmental organisations set up by the government do not have their own identity, especially during social crises, and passively follow the government’s political line. However, the study of their activities demonstrates that during the first years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, these organisations initiated a significant number of practical and political projects with the participation of high-ranked representatives of the governments, parliaments, and political parties of both post-Soviet and foreign states and international organisations, including the UN, OSCE, NATO, CIS, etc. This, in turn, played a role as a substantial supplement to classical interstate diplomacy and practically promoted the settlement of certain ethnopolitical conflicts. The archive materials analysed prove that in the early post-Soviet period, a certain inversion in the direction of political and ideological impulses took place, and a number of non-governmental organisations that used to transmit the interests of the Communist Party and state organs to the international environment were able to create new international projects and consultations in the form of “track one-and-a-half” diplomacy, i. e. the informal interaction of officials in the capacity of unofficial experts. And in such cases, it was NGOs which shaped the agenda and transmitted public interests to the state structures of Russia and the CIS states, mediating between fighting sides and amongst representatives of various states, practically assisting the settlement of ethnopolitical conflicts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-152
Author(s):  
K.A. Bochaver

The review reveals the content and the directions of the non-fiction book written by a professor Basilova; this book is written about the history of teaching deaf-blind children in the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and modern Russia. The problems of scientific and methodological supporting the deafblind children are described through the prism of a working career of the three famous domestic speech pathologists and psychologists: Ivan Sokoliansky, Augusta Yarmolenko and Alexander Meshcheryakov.


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