scholarly journals Social processes at the beginning of the 20th сentury in understanding of the Dnipro Ukraine’s intellectuals

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Platmir

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries Ukraine did not have a national state, was divided into two large regions, which were part of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. Therefore, Ukrainian intellectuals had to live and work in difficult political conditions, often going to very substantial compromises with imperial forces, represented by both Russian officials and comparatively more numerous Russian intellectual circles. This had a significant impact on the nature and tasks of the Ukrainian movement, substantially corrected both tactical steps and a general strategic course towards its own autonomy and statehood. It is important to note that the evolution of Ukrainian national ideology took place under the influence of European ideas. They, however, captured the thoughts of very narrow circles of humanitarians, most of whom engaged in the study of ethnographic and folklore spheres of peasant life, and therefore, were concerned about a relatively limited range of issues. At the same time, the comprehension of the past and present problems took place against the background of the involvement of a new generation of public figures in the movement. In the territory of Naddniprianshchyna, it was formed in conditions of rapid modernization, while maintaining the imperial (autocratic) system of power. After analyzing all the key aspects of the proposed problem, the author came to the conclusion that in relation to social processes (realities) at the beginning of the 20th century in the Naddniprianshchyna, the Ukrainian intelligentsia focused on socio-cultural, national, regional, and, to a lesser extent, economic and social life. The choice between "culture and politics" was too limited. In a situation, where many forces needed to solve internal (party, interpersonal, etc.) problems, such a local orientation significantly weakened the influence of intellectual circles on society, particularly the peasantry. At that time, when the Ukrainian intelligentsia claimed to be the main driving force of national affirmation, the establishment of ties between the Western (sub-Austrian) and the Eastern (sub-Russian) communities, it did little to its influence among the general population, the common people, that was a gross mistake in the new historical conditions.

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 219
Author(s):  
Husni Hidayat

<p>In Sufi dimension, a tarekat is considered a madrasa (school) which leads a <em>mutasawwif</em> to purify the darkness of heart from seven passions, namely <em>ammârah</em> <em>bi al-sû’</em>, <em>lawwâmah</em>, <em>mulhamah</em>, <em>mutma’innah</em>, <em>râdiyah</em>, and <em>mardiyah</em>. These seven lusts should be controlled and merged because they can cover humans from their nature. Under the guidance of the trustee <em>murshid</em>, the <em>mutasawwifs</em> are called and encouraged to reform their selves without seeing disgrace of other people. However, such process would not alienate the students from their social life and daily activities as the common people. Therefore, after two initial phases, namely <em>takhallî</em> and <em>tahallî</em>, a Sufi will reach his or her ultimate phase, i.e. <em>tajallî</em>. For the Sufis, the highest tajalli God is the Prophet. This is because he was the first creature of God and the most complete man (<em>al-</em><em>i</em><em>nsân </em><em>al</em><em>-</em><em>k</em><em>âmil</em>). Muhammad is not a mere man, but he is a manifestation of God’s emanation.</p>


Author(s):  
Saad Jaffar ◽  
Dr. Nasir Ali khan

The life of Holy Prophet (PBUH) is a beacon of light not only for Muslims but for all of humanity. There is no such aspect of life for which we do not have guidance from the life of Holy Prophet (PBUH). Whether it is personal life or social life. One of these aspects is the Da'wah strategy of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) in Makki era. This article elaborates the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) strategies adopted for the preaching of the Islam during the Makki era. The basic elements of his missionary strategies such as the way of argumentations, parlance and dialects are made the subject of discussion. It highlights the diverse and distinct communication strategies to make the message of Islam intelligible to the common people even, which include: common values, courtesy, non-violence, intellectual stature of the audience, evolutionary process, the psychological intelligibility of addressee, sense of responsibility and proportionality, capacity to perform missionary activity, intimacy with newly converts, concealment of the faith, migration, and strong assertion of faith. The methodology deployed in construing this discourse is descriptive-cum-analytical.


2006 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 312-321
Author(s):  
Peter Schalk

The overall aim of this project is to focus on the general socio-economic and political conditions leading to martial conflict in relation to religious and secular values, value systems and ideologies in Īlam/Lankā, with special regard to their transformation. It deals with the extent of reversal and re-reversal in the course of the conflict and reconciliation respectively. These values are reversed through political decisions in a martial situation. It is true that martial conflicts arise over the distribution of resources and territory and not over theological issues. When, however, religion is placed in a martial context and related to the interests of one group, then even a sophisticated theology can take the form of an identity-bestowing ideology and adopt martial doctrines such as the concept of just war. Territorial and social definitions of citizenship are replaced by definitions relating to sacred boundaries. Christianity may turn into German Christianity or Serbian Christianity, Hinduism into Hindūtva and Buddhism into Sinhalatva. The overall martial context is finally symbolised in religion as an identity marker alongside sacralisation of language, history, and territory, etc. This martial context generates a religious surplus even within secular ideologies and leads both to a suspension and a reversal of values in established religions. The proponents are ideologues, including monks and priests, and politicians in the widest sense. They become warmongers in a martial situation, where they become ‘authentic’ and authoritative. In a non-war situation they are marginalised as extremists. During war, they suspend fundamental human values, but they ‘suspend’ in the specifically German (Hegelian) sense of aufheben, meaning to elevate, to save and to call off. They do not annihilate these values, only to recall and retrieve them during truces and cease-fires, in situations of non-war, and diplomatic or ecumenical encounters, or during academic conferences. In times of martial conflict, ideologues, as advocates of war, actualize ways of integrating violence into non-violent traditions. In this article five ways of rationalizing violence, which have global parallels in martial societies, are referred to. The first way is the well-known and popular reasoning about the holy ‘end’ that justifies the less holy ‘means’; the second line of reasoning points to an alleged connection between present and past ideal persons or events; the third way of rationalizing violence introduces a de-eschatologizing distinction between preliminary and final ‘ends’; a ourth way is to make a distinction between an elite and the common people; the latter are allegedly not capable of following the noble principles of the elite; a fifth a


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 239
Author(s):  
Syamsun Ni’am ◽  
Anin Nurhayati

Abstract This article addresses an interesting phenomenon of this recent decade in the national journey of Indonesia, where there are some people or certain groups who want to distort or even question Pancasila as the common platform and Indonesian ideology. It is very urgent to examine the thoughts of the charismatic figure of Indonesia, K.H. Achmad Siddiq who has an idea about the relationship among religion, the State, more specifically about the position of Pancasila,  and Islam or vice versa, particularly when Indonesia is faced with the movements of the Pancasila de-ideologization which recently comes up to the surface. The most interesting idea of ​​K.H. Acmad Siddiq is "Pancasila as the national ideology of Indonesian is final, no need to be questioned  again, and is not against Islam, even it can go along and fill each other". Kyai Siddiq's view then brings fundamental implications in stabilizing Pancasila as a foundation of the social life, nation and state. This thought is then regarded as the genuine thought of a pesantren scholar. Keywords: Nationality, Islam, Pancasila, and K.H. Achmad Siddiq.   Abstrak Artikel ini ditulis karena adanya fenomena menarik pada dekade mutakhir ini dalam perjalan kebangsaan di Indonesia, di mana ada sebagian orang atau kelompok tertentu yang ingin mendistorsi bahkan mempersoalkan Pancasila sebagai common platform dan idiologi bangsa Indonesia. Sangat urgent mengkaji pemikiran sosok ulama kharismatik Indonesia, K.H. Achmad Siddiq yang memiliki gagasan menyangkut hubungan agama dan Negara —lebih khusus tentang kedudukan Pancasila dan Islam atau sebaliknya, di saat Indonesia dihadapkan pada gerakan/upaya de-ideologisasi Pancasila yang akhir-akhir ini muncul ke permukaan. Gagasan paling menarik dari K.H. Acmad Siddiq adalah “Pancasila sebagai idiologi bangsa Indonesia sudah final, tidak perlu diotak-atik lagi, dan tidak bertentangan dengan Islam, bahkan dapat berjalan bersama dan saling mengisi”. Pandangan Kyai Siddiq ini kemudian membawa implikasi mendasar dalam memantapkan Pancasila sebagai landasan dalam perikehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa dan bernegara di Indonesia. Pemikiran inilah yang kemudian dianggap sebagai pemikiran genuin dari seorang ulama pesantren K.H. Acmad Siddiq. Kata Kunci: Kebangsaan, Islam, Pancasila, dan K.H. Achmad Siddiq


Author(s):  
Oren Izenberg

This book offers a new way to understand the divisions that organize twentieth-century poetry. It argues that the most important conflict is not between styles or aesthetic politics, but between poets who seek to preserve or produce the incommensurable particularity of experience by making powerful objects, and poets whose radical commitment to abstract personhood seems altogether incompatible with experience—and with poems. Reading across the apparent gulf that separates traditional and avant-garde poets, the book reveals the common philosophical urgency that lies behind diverse forms of poetic difficulty—from William Butler Yeats's esoteric symbolism and George Oppen's minimalism and silence to Frank O'Hara's joyful slightness and the Language poets' rejection of traditional aesthetic satisfactions. For these poets, what begins as a practical question about the conduct of literary life—what distinguishes a poet or group of poets?—ends up as an ontological inquiry about social life: What is a person and how is a community possible? In the face of the violence and dislocation of the twentieth century, these poets resist their will to mastery, shy away from the sensual richness of their strongest work, and undermine the particularity of their imaginative and moral visions—all in an effort to allow personhood itself to emerge as an undeniable fact making an unrefusable claim.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 8
Author(s):  
Mohammad Ahashan ◽  
Dr. Sapna Tiwari

Man has always tried  to determine  and tamper the image of woman and especially her identity is manipulated and orchestrated. Whenever a woman is spoken of, it is always in the relation to man; she is presented as a wife , mother, daughter and even as a lover but never as a woman  a human being- a separate entity. Her entire life is idealized and her fundamental rights and especially her behaviour is engineered by the adherents of patriarchal society. Commenting  on the Man-woman relationship in a marital bond Simone de Beauvoir wrote in her epoch-making book entitled The Second Sex(1949): "It has been said that marriage diminishes man,  which is often true , but almost always it annihilates women". Feminist movement advocates the equal rights and equal opportunities for women. The true spirit of feminism is into look at women and men as human beings. There should not be gender bias or discrimination in familial and social life. To secure gender justice and gender equity is the key aspects of feminist movement. In India, women writers have come forward to voice their feminist approach to life and the patriarchal family set up. They believe that the very notion of gender is not only biotic and biologic episode but it has a social construction.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (8) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Kunal Debnath

High culture is a collection of ideologies, beliefs, thoughts, trends, practices and works-- intellectual or creative-- that is intended for refined, cultured and educated elite people. Low culture is the culture of the common people and the mass. Popular culture is something that is always, most importantly, related to everyday average people and their experiences of the world; it is urban, changing and consumeristic in nature. Folk culture is the culture of preindustrial (premarket, precommodity) communities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL1) ◽  
pp. 907-912
Author(s):  
Deepika Masurkar ◽  
Priyanka Jaiswal

Recently at the end of 2019, a new disease was found in Wuhan, China. This disease was diagnosed to be caused by a new type of coronavirus and affected almost the whole world. Chinese researchers named this novel virus as 2019-nCov or Wuhan-coronavirus. However, to avoid misunderstanding the World Health Organization noises it as COVID-19 virus when interacting with the media COVID-19 is new globally as well as in India. This has disturbed peoples mind. There are various rumours about the coronavirus in Indian society which causes panic in peoples mind. It is the need of society to know myths and facts about coronavirus to reduce the panic and take the proper precautionary actions for our safety against the coronavirus. Thus this article aims to bust myths and present the facts to the common people. We need to verify myths spreading through social media and keep our self-ready with facts so that we can protect our self in a better way. People must prevent COVID 19 at a personal level. Appropriate action in individual communities and countries can benefit the entire world.


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