scholarly journals XVII century Azerbaijani culture through the eyes of european travelers

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-45
Author(s):  
Sevda Abdullayeva ◽  
Samira Gasimova

At the beginning of the 16th century, due to the establishment of the Safavid Empire of Azerbaijan, the culture of the people also developed significantly, especially due to the strengthening of the centralized political structure. “Language commonality, which is one of the factors of the national stage of public unity” was a reality that closely united the people of Azerbaijan in the 17th century.In the 17th century, Azerbaijan was remaining one of the most important cultural centers of the Near and Middle East. The ongoing Safavid-Ottoman wars at that time dealt a crushing blow to the cultural development of the people. Many famous Azerbaijani scientists were captivated and taken to Istanbul, and some were transferred to Qazvin and Isfahan. Only in the middle of the 17th century there was a certain revival in the development of science and education in Azerbaijan. There were various educational institutions in the cities of the country, which were the centers of crafts, trade and culture. In the Middle Ages, all educational institutions, including madrassas, neighbour schools, tekyehs, were, of course, religious in nature.A careful analysis of the information provided by medieval historians and travelers leads to the conclusion that book printing was not only known in Azerbaijan in the middle of the 17th century, but even a printing press was brought here. The French traveler Chardin writes that the Safavid Empire, aware of the benefits of printing, was in favor of bringing it to Iran.Generally, the history of Azerbaijan in the Middle Ages (as well as in the XVII century) had the character of a scientific chronicle. However, even the mere recording of real events served to develop the historical thinking of the people, to ensure the connection of inheritance. The expansion of folk art, the spread of cultural potential in the Near and Middle East was one of the features of the development of Azerbaijani culture in the 17th century. Unfavorable socio-economic and political processes had a negative impact on the development of culture in the country.

Author(s):  
Jack Tannous

In the second half of the first millennium CE, the Christian Middle East fractured irreparably into competing churches and Arabs conquered the region, setting in motion a process that would lead to its eventual conversion to Islam. This book argues that key to understanding these dramatic religious transformations are ordinary religious believers, often called “the simple” in late antique and medieval sources. Largely agrarian and illiterate, these Christians outnumbered Muslims well into the era of the Crusades, and yet they have typically been invisible in our understanding of the Middle East's history. What did it mean for Christian communities to break apart over theological disagreements that most people could not understand? How does our view of the rise of Islam change if we take seriously the fact that Muslims remained a demographic minority for much of the Middle Ages? In addressing these and other questions, the book provides a sweeping reinterpretation of the religious history of the medieval Middle East. The book draws on a wealth of Greek, Syriac, and Arabic sources to recast these conquered lands as largely Christian ones whose growing Muslim populations are properly understood as converting away from and in competition with the non-Muslim communities around them.


2013 ◽  
pp. 987-1002
Author(s):  
Bojan Miljkovic

There were two ways of the clerical tonsure in the Orthodox Church during the middle Ages. The cutting of four locks of hair in the shape of cross and circular tonsure. The wreath of hair around the shaved top of the head symbolized Christ?s crown of thorns. The archpriests of the Serbian Orthodox Church were practicing circular tonsure, from its founder Sava until the middle of the 17th century.


1970 ◽  
Vol 42 (117) ◽  
pp. 159-174
Author(s):  
Michael Böss

WRITING NATIONAL HISTORY AFTER MODERNISM: THE HISTORY OF PEOPLEHOOD IN LIGHT OF EUROPEAN GRAND NARRATIVES | The purpose of the article is to refute the recent claim that Danish history cannot be written on the assumption of the existence of a Danish people prior to 19th-century nationalism. The article argues that, over the past twenty years, scholars in pre-modern European history have highlighted the limitations of the modernist paradigm in the study of nationalism and the history of nations. For example, modernists have difficulties explaining why a Medieval chronicle such as Saxo Grammaticus’s Gesta Danorum was translated in the mid-1600s, and why it could be used for new purposes in the 1800s, if there had not been a continuity in notions of peoplehood between the Middle Ages and the Modern Age. Of course, the claim of continuity should not be seen as an argument for an identity between the “Danes” of Saxo’s time and the Danes of the 19th-century Danish nation-state. Rather, the modern Danishness should be understood as the product of a historical process, in which a number of European cultural narratives and state building played a significant role. The four most important narratives of the Middle Ages were derived from the Bible, which was a rich treasure of images and stories of ‘people’, ‘tribe’, ‘God’, King, ‘justice’ and ‘kingdom’ (state). While keeping the basic structures, the meanings of these narratives were re-interpreted and placed in new hierarchical positions in the course of time under the impact of the Reformation, 16th-century English Puritanism, Enlightenment patriotism, the French Revolution and 19th-century romantic nationalism. The article concludes that it is still possible to write national histories featuring ‘the people’ as one of the actors. But the historian should keep in mind that ‘the people’ did not always play the main role, nor did they play the same role as in previous periods. And even though there is a need to form syntheses when writing national history, national identities have always developed within a context of competing and hierarchical narratives. In Denmark, the ‘patriotist narrative’ seems to be in ascendancy in the social and cultural elites, but has only partly replaced the ‘ethno-national’ narrative which is widespread in other parts of the population. The ‘compact narrative’ has so far survived due the continued love of the people for their monarch. It may even prove to provide social glue for a sense of peoplehood uniting ‘old’ and ‘new’ Danes.


Globus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Bayramov

The history of the Seljuk state, which played a significant role in the political, economic and cultural life of the Near and Middle East in the Middle Ages, is one of the most actual problems in Azerbaijani historiography. As it is known, after the establishment of the Seljuk state by the Turks, their main policy was to advance to the west, to seize Anatolia, to turn Anatolia into Turkish lands. The Caucasus region was the gateway to Anatolia. That is why the Caucasus, as well as Azerbaijan was of great military-strategic importance for the Seljuks. After the Dandanekan victory, it was decided at the Congress in Merv to launch new military operations to the East and West. The main target of the attack was Iran, Byzantium and the South Caucasus, because these countries were in political disarray and unable to resist them. Seljuk troops advancing on the Caucasus soon subjugated the local feudal states. The people of Azerbaijan, who have been under the rule of the Seljuk state for more than a century, have played a special role in the political and cultural development of the Seljuk state. However, this problem in national historiography has been a separate research topic only in the second half of the 20th century, which has long been out of sight. The present article is devoted to the study of Seljuk state in Azerbaijani historiography. The article studies the works of prominent Azerbaijani historians Z. Bunyadov, R. Huseynov, N. Akhundova, N.Aliyeva, Sh.Mustafayev, I.Hajiyev, T.Dostiyev and others, who have done research in this area since the second half of the twentieth to the first decade of the twenty-first century and their role in the study of the history of the great state in the medieval Muslim East, the Seljuk State, has been defined


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Ionuț Costea

"The General History of the Middle Ages at the V. Babeş University of Cluj (1951-1952). The 1948 education reform represented, besides a new institutional architecture transposed in accordance with the model of the soviet universities, a process of recycling professors. The process of changing the teaching staff was carried out on at least two levels – the definitive or temporary elimination (sometimes accompanied by incarceration) from the education system on the one hand, and the exertion of severe surveillance and intimidation, thus remodelling the discourse and the behaviour in the spirit of the socialist realist “cultural revolution” on the other hand. The study shed light on a method that led to the expulsion of the professors was the public defamation, the accusation of immorality and of their lack of understanding of the new political transformations of the country, thus labelling the professors as “enemies of the people”. The atmosphere of fear and humiliation was sustained through press campaigns of defamation. Especially the younger university professors were instructed to attack, in the press, the more professionally well reputed and publicly well-known professors. These articles contained not only analyses of the professors’ works and ideas, but also their dismantling, their “exposé” and their human undermining. This paper is a case study on a professor from medieval department of Cluj university, Francisc Pall at the beginning of 1950s years. Keywords: Communism, Romania, education reform, cultural revolution, violence, surveillance. "


1989 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Owen Chadwick

The language of the liturgy will always be a little different from the language of common speech, however carefully the drafters of ritual aim to make it understood by the people. It has in it a strand of poetry, and the nature of reverence carries inside itself a healthy dislike of bathos. Therefore: if ministers of a liturgy are expected to preach to the people, they will need instruction in how best to teach or to speak, not to mention education so that they have something to say and are not windbags. But even if a minister of a liturgy is not expected to preach, but is only there as voice to go through the set text, it will be done better if he does it with understanding; and therefore the minister will need the education to understand what is read, which in the western centuries where all this started would be in Latin. The minister also needs instruction on how not to drop the baby at baptism, and how to behave with a coffin, and what to do to a dying person. It is therefore expected that this will be an educated person, even if for much of the Middle Ages the sort of education for many ministers would be that which we should think specially appropriate to a sacristan rather than to a professional preacher. And since some such qualification was essential to do the job, bishops hardly liked to ordain persons who could not pass some sort of an educational test.


PMLA ◽  
1906 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 226-278
Author(s):  
Kenneth McKenzie

Before the revival of Greek learning in the fifteenth century, the Æsopic fables of classical antiquity were known in Europe through Latin collections derived from Phædrus. Two of these collections were particularly well known; one which goes under the name of Romulus, written in prose in the tenth century; and a metrical version of the larger part of Romulus, written in the twelfth century. This metrical collection, called in the Middle Ages Esopus, is now ascribed to Walter of England, but is often called Anonymus Neveleti. Another metrical version of Romulus was made a little later by Alexander Neckam, and the fables of Avianus, also, were known to some extent. These collections, with numerous recensions and derivatives in Latin, and translations into many different languages, form a body of written fable-literature whose development can for the most part be clearly traced. At the same time, beast-fables were extensively employed in school and pulpit, and were continually repeated for entertainment as well as for instruction. Thus there was current all over Europe a great mass of fable-literature in oral tradition. The oral versions came in part from the written fable-books; others originated as folk-tales in medieval Europe; others had descended orally from ancient Greece, or had been brought from the Orient. Many are still current among the people in all parts of Europe, and beyond. From this mass of traditional material, heterogeneous collections of popular stories, including beast-fables, were reduced to writing in Latin and in other languages. An example of this process is found in the Esope of Marie de France, the earliest known fable-book in a modern vernacular, which was translated into French in the twelfth century from an English work which is now lost. Forty of Marie's fables, less than two-fifths of the whole number, came from a recension of the original Romulus called Romulus Nilantii; the others from popular stories of various kinds. Similarly, the important Æsop of Heinrich Steinhöwel contains the Romulus fables in four books, followed by seventeen fables called Extravagantes, others from the recently published Latin version of the Greek fables, from Avianus, from the Disciplina Clericalis of Petrus Alphonsus, and from Poggio,—in all, nine books, printed in Latin with a German translation about 1480, and speedily translated into many languages (including English, by Caxton in 1484, from the French version). The Extravagantes, like other collections, and like the episodes of the beast-epic (little known in Italy), came from popular tradition. Many writers show by incidental references that they were familiar with fables, although they may not have regarded them as worthy of serious attention,—writers like Dante, and his commentator Benvenuto da Imola. Moreover, the animal-lore of the bestiaries and of works like the Fiore di Virtù is closely akin to that of the fables. It is evident, then, that the collections descended from Phædrus, important though they were, represented but a fraction of the fable-literature that was current in the Middle Ages.


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