scholarly journals Total institutions in the policy of social control

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6-7) ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Dmytro Yagunov

The article is focused on the research of social control and functioning of total institutions in the social control policy in the Postmodern society. Topicality. The relevance of this study is explained with qualitatively new trends in the development of the Postmodern society, where criminal justice is increasingly ceasing to be actually classical justice in the traditional sense, and is increasingly manifesting itself as a purely political tool. In the paper, the author departs from the traditional approach to social control, which in the light of classical views is carried out by society on the "deviant". Results. The author postulates that in the new coordinate system of Postmodern society number of deviants expands due to potential (sometimes even simply declared) deviants. The key categories of protection of society are not "crime" and "just and lawful punishment" but deeper and penetrating social control over much larger groups with the help of formally independent institutions. The above process is characterized by the fact that clear boundaries between such closed total institutions and non-institutional applications are blurring. The boundaries between the above-mentioned "honest citizens" and "deviants" (even criminals) are also blurring. It has been found that in modern conditions, society no longer exercises social control, but social control over society by the state and even private entities that have national or even transnational power. Conclusion. The article concludes that in the Postmodern society, punishment and other forms of social control are devoid of traditional goals (including "correction" or "re-education" of deviants). Society ceases to be a subject of social control and becomes its object, exposed to net-widening processes, as a result of which the Posmodern society acquires the characteristics of a carceral society, where national social control systems (including total institutions) become more mobile and acquire qualitatively new forms, significance and significance.

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 54-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández

Convicts and undocumented immigrants are similarly excluded from full social and political membership in the United States. Disfranchised, denied core protections of the social welfare state and subject to forced removal from their homes, families, and communities, convicts and undocumented immigrants, together, occupy the caste of outsiders living within the United States. This essay explores the rise of the criminal justice and immigration control systems that frame the caste of outsiders. Reaching back to the forgotten origins of immigration control during the era of black emancipation, this essay highlights the deep and allied inequities rooted in the rise of immigration control and mass incarceration.


Revista LEVS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (21) ◽  
Author(s):  
Weslei Trevizan AMÂNCIO

Resumo: Colocamos em discussão neste artigo o tema da violência, com destaque para a crescente onda de sentimento de medo e insegurança das últimas décadas que abarca grande contingente de pessoas. Para contribuir com o debate, problematizamos o modelo hegemônico de ações ao enfrentamento à violência despendida pelos agentes do Estado, apontando seus limites estruturais. Nesse processo, apresentamos as condições sociais, culturais, econômicas e políticas que historicamente estão envoltas à problemática da violência no Brasil. Por fim, lançamos considerações sobre a proposta de controle social democrático da violência como alternativa ao seu enfrentamento.Palavras-chave: violência, insegurança, controle social, democracia. Abstract: We discuss in this article the theme of violence,  with emphasis on the growing wave of fear and insecurity in the last decades that encompasses a large contingent of people. To contribute to the debate, we problematize the hegemonic modelo factions to face the violence expended by agents of the State, pointing out its structural limits. In this process, we present the social, cultural, economic and political conditions that are historically involved in the problem of violence in Brazil. Finally, we present considerations about the proposal of democratic social control of violence as na alternative to its confrontation.Key words: violence, insecurity, social control, democracy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 223 ◽  
pp. 702-723 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Howell

AbstractRelations between the state and labour NGOs in China have been particularly fraught. In 2012, they took an interesting turn when some local governments made overtures to labour NGOs to cooperate in providing services to migrant workers. This article argues that this shift is part of a broader strategy of “welfarist incorporation” to redraw the social contract between state and labour. There are two key elements to this strategy: first, a relaxation of the registration regulations for social organizations, and second, governmental purchasing of services from social organizations. These overtures have both a state and market logic to maintain social control and stabilize relations of production.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 (8) ◽  
pp. 1161-1189
Author(s):  
Peter S. Lehmann ◽  
Cecilia Chouhy ◽  
Alexa J. Singer ◽  
Jessica N. Stevens ◽  
Marc Gertz

The social threat perspective anticipates that members of racial/ethnic out-groups might be perceived as socially, politically, or economically threatening; criminally inclined; and in need of social control via the criminal justice system. In light of this framework, the current study examines the influence of out-group animus on punitive sentiments in the rarely explored context of Latin America. Data from the 2012 AmericasBarometer survey collected in nine countries ( N = 15,145) are analyzed, and the findings indicate that animus against foreigners, Blacks, and the Indigenous is positively associated with support for punitive measures. These results lend support for the social threat perspective and provide further evidence that this relationship might be a cultural universal in societies characterized by racial/ethnic conflict.


Criminologie ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dany Lacombe

With Discipline and Punish, Michel Foucault offered the social sciences a theory of power, and conceptual tools that radically transformed law reform studies. In criminology, for example, the social constructionist tradition, by drawing on Foucault's notion of power, increasingly inscribed law reform studies in a narrative of the dispersal of social control. Attempts to reform the criminal justice system are understood in terms of the increased penetration and expansion of social control into the whole of the social body ; thus, "nothing works !" In this article, I intend to challenge this conventional wisdom on law reform and the dispersion of social control, by demonstrating that it is founded on an essential-ist notion of power that we cannot attribute to Foucault. In light of his work on sexuality, and governmentality, I will examine how Foucault's productive notion of power is better understood in terms of "mechanisms for life", strategies that both constrain — through objectifying techniques — and enable — through subjectifying techniques — agency. The implications of Foucault's productive notion of power for law reform are examined in terms of methodological considerations.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny Irons

Drawing theoretical insight from political sociology's state-society literature and organizational theory's new institutionalism, I examine the case of the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission and its relationship with the Citizens' Council to illustrate that the state-countermovement relationship can be highly variable-much more so than the existing literature often assumes. As different actors came to occupy positions of power within the state of Mississippi, they responded differently to relevant audiences and affected the degree to which the council could exercise leverage with the commission to control protest. The analysis focuses on how the state-countermovement ties of ideology and funding changed over time, even though membership overlap between the commission board and the council remained relatively constant. Three relational structures-frustrated, aligned, and stifled-are identified and discussed as influencing the degree to which the council could gain leverage in Mississippi's multilevel state structure where multiple audiences mattered.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 489
Author(s):  
Diego Rodrigo Pereira

Resumo: O artigo analisa o modelo de saúde previsto na Política Nacional de Atenção à Saúde dos Povos Indígenas e a participação do povo Canela diante dos saberes tradicionais da própria comunidade e os serviços biomédicos oferecidos. Aponta que a participação Canela tem se dado através da atuação dos agentes indígenas de saúde e por meio do controle social dos conselhos local e distrital de saúde indígena. Desta forma, tais agentes têm atuado como meros auxiliares dos técnicos biomédicos, sem que haja uma articulação com os saberes indígenas outrora vigentes nas aldeias. Ademais, a representação nos conselhos local e distrital expressa uma violência simbólica por parte do Estado, pois a delegação do poder dada aos Canelas destina-se a uma parcela mínima, e tal fato não se constitui uma prática na aldeia, tendo em vista que as decisões são tomadas, contando com a participação de todos os membros e não de uma parcela irrisória como o Estado determina.Constata que, na implementação da atual política, não tem ocorrido o reconhecimento à especificidade dos povos indígenas frente aos saberes tradicionais. Desta forma, é necessária a construção e promoção de ações específicas e diferenciadas de saúde, que visem o respeito aos aspectos socioculturais desse povo.Palavras chave: Participação indígena, controle social, saberes indígenas.CHALLENGES FOR CANELA’S PARTICIPATION IN THE INDIGENOUS HEALTHAbstract: The health model provided in the Política Nacional de Atenção à Saúde dos Povos Indígenas (National Policy for the Indigenous People Health) and the participation of the Canela’s people with relation to traditional knowledge of the community and the biomedical services offered was analyzed in this paper. Points out that Canela’s participation has been given through the indigenous health agents and through the social control of local and district councils of indigenous health. Thus, these agents have acted as mere auxiliaries of biomedical technicians, without an articulation with indigenous knowledge formerly existing in the villages. Moreover, the representation in local and district councils expresses a symbolic violence by the state, because the delegation of power given to Canelas is intended to a minimum portion and this fact does not constitute a practice in the village, once the decisions are taken with the participation of all members, not an insignificant amount as the State determines. States that, in the implementation of the current policy has not occurred the recognition of indigenous specificity compared to traditional knowledge. So, it is necessary the construction and promotion of specific and differentiated health actions, which aim to respect the sociocultural aspects of this people.Key words: Indigenous participation, social control, indigenous knowledge.


2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Michael Weinman ◽  

This is, indeed, another work on the subject of hate speech regulation in the United States. And yet, it is not just another such work. For my goal here is not to settle the jurisprudential arguments regarding the possibility of any specific hate speech regulation, either extant or yet to be conceived, withstanding a Constitutional test. Nor is it my intention to demonstrate, on the basis of a comparative study of existing legislation, that such regulation either is or is not effective in addressing or redressing the social ills of hatred, discrimination, and inequality. Rather, I will achieve greater analytical clarity about just what the harms of hate speech are. I do so in order to reinvigorate the question about regulation with a new view of what exactly the object needing attention is, by demonstrating that though there are real harms here, the state cannot provide a regulatory remedy (at least qua criminal justice). Thus, in my conclusion I will assert that the question of what we might do differently in response to hate speech can only be answered —however provisionally—insofar as we first confront how we need to think differently about it. Specifically, I will argue that we need to replace the emphasis on redressing harms once they have occurred with a new emphasis on addressing, and ultimately eliminating, the conditions which make those harms possible in the first place.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nildo Batista Mascarenhas ◽  
Cristina Maria Meira de Melo ◽  
Tatiane Araújo dos Santos ◽  
Livia Angeli Silva ◽  
Tatiane Cunha Florentino

ABSTRACT Objective: to analyze the contribution of nurses to the construction of health policy in the state of Bahia, from 1925 to 1930. Methods: qualitative research, from a historical nature. Data were retrieved from five public archives, organized in a documentary corpus, and analyzed based on the health political analysis and the social control concepts, health policy and public health. Results: from 1925 to 1930, the State seized the work of the woman/nurse and established it in public health. This fact enabled the nurse’s contribution to the construction of the health policy of the state of Bahia, which took place by the implementation of sanitary education actions, home visits and hygienic surveillance. Final considerations: the female nurse’s work made the health policy of the state of Bahia viable and was an ideal instrument to access homes and instruct/advise people in their daily lives to adopt behaviors that prevent the occurrence and, above all, the spread of diseases.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document