scholarly journals Prilog poznavanju kasnoantičkih vila s područja provincije Dalmacije - slučaj vile u Strupniću kraj Livna

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2011 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Tin Turković ◽  
Maja Zeman

In the last two decades, the architecture of late antique country estates in Europe - most notably those in the northern provinces (Raetia, the two Germanias, Pannonia, Noricum, Moesia and Dacia), but also in the Iberian and Italian peninsula - has been systematically researched. Based on the typology of examined structures, numerous studies have yielded observations about evident similarities between late antique complexes from various parts of the Western Empire, which had adopted a completely new paradigm in the spatial arrangement of representative and lavish administrative buildings on the estates affected by the economic reforms of the late third century. The abundance of the variants of the universal theme of aulic architecture in country estates from the late third and during the fourth century has enabled the identification of regional varieties and patterns in the spreading of individual architectural solutions, as well as the defining and careful research of other phases of the architectural transformation of late antique estates. The question which this paper attempts to answer is where Dalmatian late antique villas belong in such an ‘international’ architecture of the late antique country estate, and whether their forms follow the trends of the neighbouring provinces. In the lack of finds, the only way towards a clarification of the outlined questions is a formal analysis which most Dalmatian late antique villas have not been subjected to, and which opens the door for the interpretation of the building considered essential from the art-historical perspective. Formal qualities of the villas suggest the provenance of their architectural elements, reveal the function of a structure and its parts and clarify the position of a villa in the developmental line of the architecture of country estates and indicate the likely time frame of its production.In this context, this paper focuses on the late antique complex discovered in the early twentieth century on the site of Prikače in the village of Strupnić (near Livno). The villa is, unfortunately, only known from the initial reports but its dimensions and layout make it stand out from other late antique complexes in Dalmatian hinterland. However, the modestly recorded ground plan and a recent reconstruction of this structure do leave considerable space for formal analysis and more precise conclusions about its date. The noted symmetrical division of the front part of the building with two apsed lateral spaces and axial arrangement of the central reception hall, which was most likely accessed from the courtyard, point to the comparisons with late third- and early fourth-century complexes in the Danube area, such as those at Kövágászölös or Keszthely-Fenékpuszta, which served as administrative centres of large estates along the Danube, and which may have drawn upon a luxurious complex near Parndorf. Symmetrically placed apses on the façade, an almost unique phenomenon in the Danube area, is doubtlessly rooted in the desire to make façades more monumental as can be seen in a number of buildings which span the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth century, when a certain revolution took place in the architecture of country estates, reflecting the socio-economic changes which transformed the European landscape through the enlargement of estates. It is a clear sign of the estate owner’s status and a clear indication of the building’s function. The villa at Strupnić, together with the examples at Ljusine and Livade, and the remains of the architectural complex at Majdan, points to a strong connection between Dalmatia and the trends which sprung up in the Danube area in the late third and during the fourth century, and clearly illustrates the direction through which late antique solutions in the architecture of country estates reached the interior of Dalmatia. Thus, we deem that it is not inopportune to place the time frame of the construction of Dalmatian late antique country estates in the same formal and chronological context of the estates in its northern neighbourhood which was, at that time, going through what Mocsy called the last age or prosperity in the Danube area. The formal connection with the mentioned estates implies that the function of Dalmatian and Danube structures complemented each other. Although the structure at Strupnić is relatively small (32,6 x 27,5 m), and is classified in the category of small country estates suchas those at Deutschkreuz, Sümeg, Csúcshegy, Majdan or Mali Mošunj, we deem that it is completely unfounded to interpret it as a journey station, i.e. an inn (mutatio), as Bojanovski suggested on a number of occasions. Considering the layout of the complex, a more luxurious nature of its form and its location, it seems more likely that it had been part of a richer estate which was administered from a central administrative-residential-economic complex, and in connection with this, it is advisable to return to Bojanovski’s earlier interpretations which identified it as one of the examples of praetorium fundi. During the third and fourth centuries, in the time of economic reforms and enlargement of estates, medium-sized estates of the social elite may have been situated in the area of Livanjsko polje, due to its good road networks and fortified transformations of architectural complexes in individual sites. The Strupnić late antique estate still represents a riddle of sorts the solving of which depends on future archaeological excavations that this structure undoubtedly deserves. In this paper, it has been an example of the amount of information that can be obtained from scarce records about a building when it is subjected to a formal and contextual analysis. The traditional definitions of the architecture of estates and the generalising approach which does not take into account individual features of a building need to be questioned, and this is confirmed by the example of Strupnić.

2017 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Corke-Webster

In 1967 Alan Cameron published a landmark article in this journal, ‘The fate of Pliny'sLettersin the late Empire’. Opposing the traditional thesis that the letters of Pliny the Younger were only rediscovered in the mid to late fifth century by Sidonius Apollinaris, Cameron proposed that closer attention be paid to the faint but clear traces of the letters in the third and fourth centuries. On the basis of well-observed intertextual correspondences, Cameron proposed that Pliny's letters were being read by the end of the fourth century at the latest. That article now seems the vanguard of a rise in scholarly interest in Pliny's late-antique reception. But Cameron also noted the explicit attention given to the letters by two earlier commentators—Tertullian of Carthage, in the late second to early third century, and Eusebius of Caesarea, in the early fourth. The use of Pliny in these two earliest commentators, in stark contrast to their later successors, has received almost no subsequent attention.


2020 ◽  
Vol 117 (33) ◽  
pp. 19780-19791 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Fuks ◽  
Guy Bar-Oz ◽  
Yotam Tepper ◽  
Tali Erickson-Gini ◽  
Dafna Langgut ◽  
...  

The international scope of the Mediterranean wine trade in Late Antiquity raises important questions concerning sustainability in an ancient international economy and offers a valuable historical precedent to modern globalization. Such questions involve the role of intercontinental commerce in maintaining sustainable production within important supply regions and the vulnerability of peripheral regions believed to have been especially sensitive to environmental and political disturbances. We provide archaeobotanical evidence from trash mounds at three sites in the central Negev Desert, Israel, unraveling the rise and fall of viticulture over the second to eighth centuries of the common era (CE). Using quantitative ceramic data obtained in the same archaeological contexts, we further investigate connections between Negev viticulture and circum-Mediterranean trade. Our findings demonstrate interrelated growth in viticulture and involvement in Mediterranean trade reaching what appears to be a commercial scale in the fourth to mid-sixth centuries. Following a mid-sixth century peak, decline of this system is evident in the mid- to late sixth century, nearly a century before the Islamic conquest. These findings closely correspond with other archaeological evidence for social, economic, and urban growth in the fourth century and decline centered on the mid-sixth century. Contracting markets were a likely proximate cause for the decline; possible triggers include climate change, plague, and wider sociopolitical developments. In long-term historical perspective, the unprecedented commercial florescence of the Late Antique Negev appears to have been unsustainable, reverting to an age-old pattern of smaller-scale settlement and survival–subsistence strategies within a time frame of about two centuries.


Author(s):  
Ildar Garipzanov

This chapter surveys the origins of monograms in the Hellenistic world and their early usage in republican and early imperial Rome, and continues with a general overview of quantitative and qualitative changes in their application in the third and fourth centuries AD. It also examines the more general cultural background to the increasing popularity of late antique monograms as protective and intercessory devices, suggesting that the growing use of such invocational monograms in visual communication paralleled the increasing popularity of acclamations in oral communication. Finally, it employs a contextualized study of the dedication monogram in the Calendar of 354 as a window into fourth-century Roman calligraphic culture. The concluding section discusses the development of a new, contemplative quality of calligraphic monograms in the late fourth century, and shows how some Neoplatonic ideas and their Christian adaptations affected late antique graphicacy.


Mediaevistik ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 377-379
Author(s):  
Kriszta Kotsis

Late antique and early medieval graphic signs have traditionally been studied by narrowly focused specialists leading to the fragmentation and decontextualization of this important body of material. Therefore, the volume aims “to deepen interdisciplinary research on graphic signs” (7) of the third through tenth centuries, with contributions from archaeologists, historians, art historians, a philologist, and a paleographer. Ildar Garipzanov’s introduction defines the central terms (sign, symbol, graphicacy), calls for supplanting the text-image binary with “the concept of the visual-written continuum” (15), and argues that graphicacy was central to visual communication in this period. He emphasizes the agency of graphic signs and notes that their study can amplify our understanding of the definition of personal and group identity, the articulation of power, authority, and religious affiliation, and communication with the supernatural sphere.


Author(s):  
Michael Lapidge

The Roman Martyrs contains translations of forty Latin passiones of saints who were martyred in Rome or its near environs, during the period before the ‘peace of the Church’ (c. 312). Some of these Roman martyrs are universally known — SS. Agnes, Sebastian or Laurence, for example — but others are scarcely known outside the ecclesiastical landscape of Rome itself. Each of the translated passiones, which vary in length from a few paragraphs to over ninety, is accompanied by an individual introduction and commentary; the translations are preceded by an Introduction which describes the principal features of this little-known genre of Christian literature. The Roman passiones martyrum have never previously been collected together, and have never been translated into a modern language. They were mostly composed during the period 425 x 675, by anonymous authors who who were presumably clerics of the Roman churches or cemeteries which housed the martyrs’ remains. It is clear that they were composed in response to the huge explosion of pilgrim traffic to martyrial shrines from the late fourth century onwards, at a time when authentic records (protocols) of their trials and executions had long since vanished, and the authors of the passiones were obliged to imagine the circumstances in which martyrs were tried and executed. The passiones are works of pure fiction; and because they abound in ludicrous errors of chronology, they have been largely ignored by historians of the early Church. But although they cannot be used as evidence for the original martyrdoms, they nevertheless allow a fascinating glimpse of the concerns which animated Christians during the period in question: for example, the preservation of virginity, or the ever-present threat posed by pagan practices. And because certain aspects of Roman life will have changed little between (say) the second century and the fifth, the passiones throw valuable light on many aspects of Roman society, not least the nature of a trial before an urban prefect, and the horrendous tortures which were a central feature of such trials. Above all, perhaps, the passiones are an indispensable resource for understanding the topography of late antique Rome and its environs, since they characteristically contain detailed reference to the places where the martyrs were tried, executed, and buried. The book contains five Appendices containing translations of texts relevant to the study of Roman martyrs: the Depositio martyrum of A.D. 354 (Appendix I); the epigrammata of Pope Damasus d. 384) which pertain to Roman martyrs treated in the passiones (II); entries pertaining to Roman martyrs in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum (III); entries in seventh-century pilgrim itineraries pertaining to shrines of Roman martyrs in suburban cemeteries (IV); and entries commemorating these martyrs in early Roman liturgical books (V).


Author(s):  
Adrastos Omissi

This chapter begins by considering what made the late Roman state distinctive from the early Empire, exploring the political developments of the later third century, in particular the military, administrative, and economic reforms undertaken by the tetrarchs. It then explores the presentation of the war between the tetrarchy and the British Empire of Carausius and Allectus (286‒96), taking as its core sources Pan. Lat. X, XI, and VIII. These speeches are unique in the panegyrical corpus, in that two of them (X and XI) were delivered while the usurpation they describe was still under way, the third (VIII) after it was defeated. In this chapter, we see how the British Empire was ‘othered’ as piratical and barbarian, and how conflict with it helped to create the distinctive ideology of the tetrarchy.


Author(s):  
Maidul Islam

Close to the turn of the century and almost 45 years after Independence, India opened its doors to free-market liberalization. Although meant as the promise to a better economic tomorrow, three decades later, many feel betrayed by the economic changes ushered in by this new financial era. Here is a book that probes whether India’s economic reforms have aided the development of Indian Muslims who have historically been denied the fruits of economic development. Maidul Islam points out that in current political discourse, the ‘Muslim question’ in India is not articulated in terms of demands for equity. Instead, the political leadership camouflages real issues of backwardness, prejudice, and social exclusion with the rhetoric of identity and security. Historically informed, empirically grounded, and with robust analytical rigour, the book tries to explore connections between multiple forms of Muslim marginalization, the socio-economic realities facing the community, and the formation of modern Muslim identity in the country. At a time when post-liberalization economic policies have created economic inequality and joblessness for significant sections of the population including Muslims, the book proposes working towards a radical democratic deepening in India.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Brent Arehart

Abstract On the basis of two neglected testimonia, this short note argues that the terminus ante quem for Philippos of Amphipolis (BNJ 280) should be moved forward to the third century or to the early fourth century c.e. if not earlier.


1963 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest Greenfield

SummaryTwo shrines of circular and polygonal shape, probably part of a larger group, were erected early in the second half of the third century A.D., and occupied until late in the fourth century. The shrines occur in an area of widespread settlement dating from the late Iron Age until the end of the fourth century. Many objects of bronze and iron of ritual significance, together with a large number of votive deposits and coins, were recovered from the circular shrine. Miss M. V. Taylor's discussion of the principal objects appears on pp. 264–8.


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