Unicum: A Drink with a Past

2006 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 78-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
carolyn báánfalvi

Unicum is a national institution in Hungary, and has a long history that in some ways mirrors the history of modern Hungary itself. The story of Unicum is the story of the Zwack family, who has owned the company since the end of the 18th century (except for the 40 year period when it was nationalized by the Communists). Dr. Zwack, a physician for the Imperial Court of the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy, is credited with creating the drink to alleviate the royal family's digestion problems. But it didn't take long for the drink to take hold on the rest of the country. The Zwack family--headed by Peter Zwack--runs the company today--which also produces high-end palinka, wine, and other types of liquor. So, what is Unicum? It's a thick, black, goopy concoction, made from more than 40 herbs and spices. The exact composition is a carefully guarded family secret which was stored in a safe deposit box in New York during the Communist era. Part of the mixture is macerated for thirty days in water, while the other part is distilled. Then, in a process that has remained almost unchanged for more than 200 years, both are blended and aged in oak casks for six months.

1984 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Bruyn

AbstractFrom 1911 to 1961 Félix Chrétien, secretary to François de Dinteville II, Bishop of Auxerre in Burgundy, and from 1542 onwards a canon in that town, was thought to be the author of three remarkable paintings. Two of these were mentioned by an 18th-century local historian as passing for his work: a tripych dated 1535 on the central panel with scenes from the legend of St. Eugenia, which is now in the parish church at Varzy (Figs. 1-3, cf. Note 10), and a panel dated 1550 with the Martyrdom of St. Stephen in the ambulatory of Auxerre Cathedral. To these was added a third work, a panel dated 1537 with Moses and Aaron before Pharaoh, which is now in New York (Figs. 4-5, cf. Notes I and 3). All three works contain a portrait of François de Dinteville, who is accompanied in the Varzy triptych and the New York panel (where he figures as Aaron) by other portrait figures. In the last-named picture these include his brothers) one of whom , Jean de Dinteville, is well-known as the man who commissioned Holbein's Ambassadors in 1533. Both the Holbein and Moses and Aaron remained in the family's possession until 1787. In order to account for the striking affinity between the style of this artist and that of Netherlandish Renaissance painters, Jan van Scorel in particular, Anthony Blunt posited a common debt to Italy, assuming that the painter accompanied François de Dinteville on a mission to Rome in 1531-3 (Note 4). Charles Sterling) on the other hand, thought of Netherlandish influence on him (Note 5). In 1961 Jacques Thuillier not only stressed the Northern features in the artist's style, especially in his portraits and landscape, but also deciphered Dutch words in the text on a tablet depicted in the Varzy triptych (Fig. I) . He concluded that the artist was a Northerner himself and could not possibly have been identical with Félix Chrétien (Note 7). Thuillier's conclusion is borne out by the occurrence of two coats of arms on the church depicted in the Varzy triptych (Fig. 2), one of which is that of a Guild of St. Luke, the other that of the town of Haarlem. The artist obviously wanted it to be known that he was a master in the Haarlem guild. Unfortunately, the Haarlem guild archives provide no definite clue as to his identity. He may conceivably have been Bartholomeus Pons, a painter from Haarlem, who appears to have visited Rome and departed again before 22 June 15 18, when the Cardinal of S. Maria in Aracoeli addressed a letter of indulgence to him (without calling him a master) care of a master at 'Tornis'-possibly Tournus in Burgundy (Note 11). The name of Bartholomeus Pons is further to be found in a list of masters in the Haarlem guild (which starts in 1502, but gives no further dates, Note 12), while one Bartholomeus received a commission for painting two altarpiece wings and a predella for Egmond Abbey in 1523 - 4 (Note 13). An identification of the so-called Félix Chrétien with Batholomeus Pons must remain hypothetical, though there are a number of correspondences between the reconstructed career of the one and the fragmentary biography of the other. The painter's work seems to betray an early training in a somewhat old-fashioned Haarlem workshop, presumably around 1510. He appears to have known Raphael's work in its classical phase of about 1515 - 6 and to have been influenced mainly by the style of the cartoons for the Sistine tapestries (although later he obviously also knew the Master of the Die's engravings of the story of Psyche of about 1532, cf .Note 8). His stylistic development would seem to parallel that of Jan van Scorel, who was mainly influenced by the slightly later Raphael of the Loggie. This may explain the absence of any direct borrowings from Scorel' work. It would also mean that a more or less Renaissance style of painting was already being practised in Haarlem before Scorel's arrival there in 1527. Thuillier added to the artist's oeuvre a panel dated 1537 in Frankfurt- with the intriguing scene of wine barrels being lowered into a cellar - which seems almost too sophisticated to be attributed to the same hand as the works in Varzy and New York, although it does appear to come from the same workshop (Fig. 6, Note 21). A portrait of a man, now in the Louvre, was identified in 197 1 as a fragment of a work by the so-called Félix Chrétien himself (Fig. 8, Note 22). The Martyrdom of St. Stephen of 1550 was rejected by Thuillier because of its barren composition and coarse execution. Yet it seems to have too much in common with the other works to be totally separated, from them and may be taken as evidence that the workshop was still active at Auxerre in 1550.


2005 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 749-753
Author(s):  
JEFFREY T. ZALAR

Postmodern communitarian theory insists that all knowledge is participant knowledge: who we are is at least if not more foundational to learning than any philosophy of what we can know. These two books, one written by Jesuit priests and professors of systematic theology at the Gregorian University in Rome and the other by non-Catholic professional historians working at the University of Reading, invite us to consider this assertion.


Author(s):  
Mª Isabel Romero Ruiz

The presence of Empire in the Victorian period and its aftermath has become a new trope in neo-Victorian studies, introducing a postcolonial approach to the re-writing of the Victorian past. This, combined with the metaphor of the sea as a symbol of British colonial and postcolonial maritime power, makes of Joseph O’Connor’s novel Star of the Sea a story of love, vulnerability and identity. Set in the winter of 1847, it tells the story of the voyage of a group of Irish refugees travelling to New York trying to escape from the Famine. The colonial history of Ireland and its long tradition of English dominance becomes the setting of the characters’ fight for survival. Parallels with today’s refugees can be established after Ireland’s transformation into an immigration country. Following Judith Butler’s and Sarah Bracke’s notions of vulnerability and resistance together with ideas about ‘the other’ in postcolonial neo-Victorianism, this article aims to analyse the role of Empire in the construction of an Irish identity associated with poverty and disease, together with its re-emergence and reconstruction through healing in a contemporary globalised scenario. For this purpose, I resort to Edward Said’s and Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s ideas about imperialism and new imperialism along with Elizabeth Ho’s concept of ‘the Neo-Victorian-at-sea’ and some critics’ approaches to postcolonial Gothic. My main contention throughout the text will be that vulnerability in resistance can foster healing.


Antiquity ◽  
1935 ◽  
Vol 9 (33) ◽  
pp. 22-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Piggott

There have been few tendencies in the history of English culture with so profound a contemporary influence as the so-called Romantic Movement of the 18th and early 19th centuries, and still fewer with such a strangely assorted progeny. That toying with ‘the Gothick’, which produced such early jeux d'esprit as Walpole's Strawberry Hill or Beckford's Fonthill, led, on the one hand, to the Albert Memorial, and, on the other, to the sculpture of Eric Gill; in literature, while the Romantics founded an honourable poetic tradition extending from Collins through Wordsworth to Blunden, it is surely not fantastic to see in such works as Lewis' Bravo of Venice the genesis of the modern thriller. Most strange of all, one outcome of the Romantic Movement was a new branch of science. For prehistoric archaeology in England was not the product of the classical lore so eagerly absorbed from Italy in the 16th and 17th centuries, but originated in those eccentric gentlemen of the 18th century who perambulated the countryside studying at first hand the antiquities of their own forefathers.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Speece

The history of Oman is largely a story of competition, and often conflict, between two very different entities. This duality was even symbolized by the name of the country, “Sultanate of Muscat and Oman,” until 1970. The sultanate was formed from the fusion of the Batina coastal plain and its port cities, symbolically Muscat, and the interior of the country, Oman. During most periods in the recent history of the country, only the coast has been ruled by the sultan. Even before the institution of the sultanate emerged in the 18th century, however, the coast had usually been under separate, often foreign, rule. In the interior, the ideal head of government from very early times was that of an imam, even though the office often remained vacant. At many times during Omani history, of course, one part of the country or the other imposed its control and Oman was temporarily united, but the differences between the two sections of Omani society eventually split the country into two separate states again. Even within the last decade, one of the major problems in Oman's efforts to develop has been “the traditional antithesis between the sultan residing on the coast and the inwardly oriented tribes.”


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leo Catana

Abstract This article critically explores the history and nature of a hermeneutic assumption which frequently guided interpretations of Plotinus from the 18th century onwards, namely that Plotinus advanced a system of philosophy. It is argued that this assumption was introduced relatively late, in the 18th and 19th centuries, and that it was primarily made possible by Brucker’s methodology for the history of philosophy, dating from the 1740s, to which the concept of a ‘system of philosophy’ was essential. It is observed that the concept is absent from Ficino’s commentary from the 15th century, and that it remained absent in interpretations produced between the 15th and 18th centuries. It is also argued that the assumption of a ‘system of philosophy’ in Plotinus is historically incorrect—we do not find this concept in Plotinus’ writings, and his own statements about method point in other directions. Eduard Zeller (active in the second half of the 19th century) is typically regarded as the first to give a satisfying account of Plotinus’ philosophy as a whole. In this article, on the other hand, Zeller is seen as having finalised a tradition initiated in the 18th century. Very few Plotinus scholars have examined the interpretative development prior to Zeller. Schiavone (1952) and Bonetti (1971), for instance, have given little attention to Brucker’s introduction of the concept of a ‘system of philosophy’. The present analysis, then, has value for an understanding of Plotinus’ Enneads. It also explains why “pre-Bruckerian” interpretations of Plotinus appear alien to the modern reader; the analysis may even serve to make some sense of the hermeneutics employed by Renaissance Platonists and commentators, who are often eclipsed from the tradition of Platonism.


Slovene ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dzhamilia N. Ramazanova

The article discusses the history of translation by the 18th-century Serbian translators of the Greek treatise “Πέτρα σκανδάλου” (“Rock of Offence”) written by the theologian and preacher Elias Meniates (1667–1714) in which he deals with the causes of interconfessional polemic between the Orthodox and the Catholic Churches. The history of these translations is placed within the context of interest in Meniates’ works, evidenced in Europe and in the Christian East throughout the 18th century. The vivid style and argumentation of Meniates inspired Stefan Pisarev, inter alia, to translate “Πέτρα σκανδάλου” into Russian, which he did in 1744. In the focus of our research are manuscripts stored in several Serbian libraries and archive collections, namely, manuscripts of “Πέτρα σκανδάλου” translations made by Jovan Mladenović (in 1742) and Vićentije Rakić (in 1797/98). In the study we present, the biographies of the two authors of these unpublished translations are traced and defined more accurately. At the final stage of the study, we correlate the historical settings and probable reasons motivating Mladenović and Rakić to make the Serbian translations of the Greek treatise “Πέτρα σκανδάλου”, on the one hand, and the factors leading to the emergence of a Russian translation of the same treatise by Pisarev, on the other. As believed by the author of this article, the aforementioned translations will serve as a valuable linguistic source for historians of Slavic languages and letters in their comparative studies.


Rangifer ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Gaute Elvesæter Helland ◽  
Jan Stokstad

From the middle of the 18th century there have been domesticated reindeer herds in the mountains of South-Norway. The people living in these areas, mostly farmers and hunters, bought reindeer from the Sami further east and north. Or Sami families came with their reindeer and started a new living. These events took place in many regions such as Setesdal, Hardangervidda, Hardanger, Voss, Hallingdal, Valdres, northern Gudbrandsdalen, Norefjell and Rendalen. In 1962 there were 20 000 tame reindeer held by 14 reindeer companies in southern Norway. Today five of these companies still exist. The reindeer owners have organized themselves as joint companies and to be a shareholder one must be living in the local municipality. The four companies in Valdres and northern Gudbrandsdalen keep in all about 11 000 reindeer in the winter herd which produces about 190 tons of reindeer meat each year. The legal basis of this reindeer management is regulated through agreements between the owners of the rough grazing properties and the company. In large areas the Norwegian State is the landowner, and in these cases the so-called Mountain law of 1975 regulates the agreement. The ways of managing the companies will be a matter of adjusting the management to all the other events in society. The structure of the herd, the extent of tameness and degree of domestication are key requisites. It is also of major importance that society supports this kind of management and regards the traditions and the long history of local interests in reindeer management. A future challenge will be to get these ways of living secured and warranted by law.


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