“We Can Fulfill Our Obligation as Women Citizens”

2020 ◽  
Vol 97 (3) ◽  
pp. 37-63
Author(s):  
Heather Clemmer
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Community Health ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
Organizational Strategies ◽  
World War ◽  
International Scale

World War I provided San Francisco women public opportunities to actively engage in the body politic. These women expanded their organizational strategies, honed over the decades in clubs and associations, to meet the nation's wartime needs. In 1911 such activism resulted in passage of California suffrage, but the majority of San Francisco men voted against the state amendment. For San Francisco women, World War I was another avenue through which they could expand their community invovement. As guardians of the kitchen, women emphasized their vital contributions to the nation's economy. They continued crusades to eradicate vice and promote community health. They sought ways to make a difference on an international scale. Civic equality remained unobtainable as men dominated wartime leadership roles, but San Francisco women continued to adapt by creating new opportunities to mobilize female citizenry.

“A Perilous Venture for Democracy”: Soldiers, Sexual Purity, and American Citizenship in the First World War

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberley A. Reilly
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Moral Virtue ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Self Control ◽  
Sexual Morality ◽  
Military Government ◽  
World War ◽  
War Department ◽  
The Military

This essay examines the influence of the social purity movement on the U.S. government's campaign to protect servicemen from the temptations of drink and illicit sex during World War I. This influence had been forged in the context of U.S. imperialism in the two decades prior to American entry into the war, as purity reformers linked the sexual morality and temperance of soldiers serving in occupied territories overseas to racial purity and national character at home. War Department policymakers who were allied with the purity movement likewise understood male moral restraint and sexual self-control to underpin democratic self-governance. This linkage between civic virtue and moral virtue was especially problematic at the outset of the war, as many native-born Americans (progressive policymakers included) questioned whether all members of the ethnically and racially diverse nation had the capacity for self-government. The goals of social purity and wartime policymakers were thus aligned as the War Department launched its crusade against liquor and sexual vice within the military. Government officials required moral sobriety of servicemen in order to remake the body politic. But even as they demanded virtuous conduct from the man in uniform, they simultaneously infantilized the “soldier lad” in their effort to safeguard him.

scholarly journals Legitimacy of Death: National Appropriation of the Fallen

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-659
Author(s):  
Gordana Uzelac
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Dead Body ◽  
World War ◽  
War Memorials ◽  
The Usa

AbstractMany influential theorists of nationalism see war as a social conflict that to a great extent homogenizes and unifies the nation. Nowhere is that unity more clearly expressed than in war memorials and cemeteries. This article considers the examples of Britain and the USA during the aftermath of World War I in order to examine how the state legitimized its ownership of the bodies of its dead soldiers. It argues first that in an internal dispute, when all sides share a normative ideology, nationalism cannot offer an effective basis for legitimacy. Second, it shows that during the aftermath of World War I, the bodies of dead soldiers were not symbols. This article concludes that in order to transform a dead body into a symbol, the body first has to be “de-individualized.”

scholarly journals From Muscles to Nerves: Gender, “Race” and the Body at Work in France 1919–1939

1999 ◽  
Vol 44 (S7) ◽  
pp. 123-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Levine Frader
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Physical Endurance ◽  
World War ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Gender Characteristics ◽  
And Gender ◽  
White Workers ◽  
The Military

In the years before and immediately after World War I, gendered and racialized bodies at work became the focus of debate and discussion in France amongst an informal alliance of engineers, doctors, scientists, employers, workers, and the state. Seduced by the promise of “modernity”, and the seemingly endless possibilities of science and mechanization, the state attempted to modernize public services and employers sought new ways to discipline labor for greater productivity. Both mobilized rationalization – Taylorism and work science – in the service of greater efficiency and in an effort to identify the allegedly “natural” qualities that made gendered and racialized workers suitable for certain kinds of jobs and would exclude them from others. A not insignificant dimension of this project lay in how French work scientists began to envision the potential uses of gendered French and colonial labor. The development of the French North-African and Indochinese colonial empires around the turn of the century heightened attention to racialized difference. World War I had opened the opportunity to use racialized colonial bodies, both on the military front and in the factory. Thinking about race and gender characteristics continued to influence work science and its applications in the 1920s and 1930s. Work scientists' experiments to ascertain the physical endurance of colonial male workers and white workers underscored the durability of gender meanings i n dealing with white French workers and the instability of those meanings in assessing the abilities of workers of color.

Commentary: ‘Just the tip of the iceberg’: Queensland’s experience of the influenza pandemic of 1918–20

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-165
Author(s):  
Patrick Hodgson
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Influenza Pandemic ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Coastal Shipping ◽  
The City

AbstractThis article provides a synopsis of the spread of epidemic influenza throughout Queensland in 1919–20.1 Statewide the story was, to a greater or lesser extent, the same – regardless of occupation or whether one was from the city or the bush, on the coast or in the far west, no one was immune; even being 300 kilometres from the nearest epicentre of the outbreak was no guarantee of safety. An examination of the state’s newspapers, particularly the Brisbane Courier, makes it evident that outbreaks of influenza erupted almost simultaneously throughout the state. Aided and abetted by Queensland’s network of railways and coastal shipping, together with the crowding of people at country shows, race meetings and celebrations of the formal conclusion of World War I, the disease was swiftly diffused throughout the state. This article hopes to give the reader a sense of how the sheer scale and urgency of the crisis at times overwhelmed authorities and communities.

„Zurück zu Schleiermacher! und von Schleiermacher aus vorwärts!“

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brent A. R. Hege
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Psychological Method ◽  
Dialectical Theology ◽  
Complex Picture ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractAs dialectical theology rose to prominence in the years following World War I, the new theologians sought to distance themselves from liberalism in a number of ways, an important one being a rejection of Schleiermacher’s methods and conclusions. In reading the history of Weimar-era theology as it has been written in the twentieth century one would be forgiven for assuming that Schleiermacher found no defenders during this time, as liberal theology quietly faded into the twilight. However, a closer examination of this period reveals a different story. The last generation of liberal theologians consistently appealed to Schleiermacher for support and inspiration, perhaps none more so than Georg Wobbermin, whom B. A. Gerrish has called a “captain of the liberal rearguard.” Wobbermin sought to construct a religio-psychological method on the basis of Schleiermacher’s definition of religion and on his “Copernican turn” toward the subject and resolutely defended such a method against the new dialectical theology long after liberal theology’s supposed demise. A consideration of Wobbermin’s appeals to Schleiermacher in his defense of the liberal program reveals a more complex picture of the state of theology in the Weimar period and of Schleiermacher’s legacy in German Protestant thought.

scholarly journals Milutin Bojic’s letters to Milan Grol sent from Corfu 1916-1917.

2015 ◽  
pp. 189-199
Author(s):  
Miroslav Jovanovic
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Young Writer ◽  
Academy Of Sciences ◽  
Serbian Academy

The Archive of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Belgrade holds three letters that the young writer Milutin Bojic (1892-1917) sent to dramaturge and politician Milan Grol (1876-1952). Bojic wrote to Grol from the island of Corfu, where, together with the Serbian government and the army, he was spending his days in exile. Bojic had a great desire to continue his education and thus to contribute to the Serbian people and the state. These letters are very important historical sources about the life of a young poet who has famously described the suffering of Serbian Army in World War I in his Ode to a Blue Sea Tomb.

War, Peace, and Disillusionment

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Kumekawa
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
World War I ◽  
Welfare Economics ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Human Capacity

This chapter examines Pigou's life during World War I. At no time in his life were his private thoughts about noneconomic values more public than between 1914 and 1918. Economists often grant that war is a period of exception, that policies and rules considered wise in peacetime are not applicable during wars. For Pigou, this exceptionalism applied not only to matters of economic policy but also to his own silence on policy and ethical imperatives. Yet the war left Pigou disheartened by the human capacity for atrocity. Moreover, the byzantine machinations of politics and bureaucracy left him disenchanted with something else entirely: the state apparatus. Thus, the war and its aftermath hollowed Pigou out; his youthful idealism was shaken, and his conception of the state as a fundamental theoretical agent in his system of welfare economics shattered.

Epilogue

2018 ◽  
pp. 238-246
Author(s):  
Tricia Starks
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Women Workers ◽  
World War I ◽  
Tobacco Use ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
New Era ◽  
Bolshevik Revolution ◽  
Disease Cluster ◽  
Tobacco Workers

The onset of World War I brought prohibition to alcohol but an explosion of tobacco use on the front lines, with even government sponsored tobacco collection drives, yet the Bolshevik Revolution, carried the downfall of the tobacco queens and ushered into power a new state with its own conflicted relationship to tobacco. The participation of the tobacco workers in the Kronstadt rebellion spurred attacks on women workers as backward and erased them from the record. The triumph of public health as a major policy point of the revolution closed one chapter on tobacco’s relationship to state and citizen and brought a new era for anti-tobacco advocacy although the continued situation of tobacco use within the disease cluster of neurasthenia did little to change opinions on therapy. Despite the avowed interest of the state, the anti-tobacco drive floundered as smoking became more popular, ubiquitous, and profitable.

The Road to Brexit

2020 ◽  
pp. 41-62
Author(s):  
Andrew Ryder
Keyword(s):  
Speech Acts ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Road

The chapter follows the course of events and debate during the referendum and initial negotiations and legislative attempts in Westminster to enable Brexit. The chapter gives an overview of the speech acts and associated stratagems to facilitate or to frustrate Brexit. It includes a number of vignettes presenting some key or insightful moments in the referendum campaign. A key focus of the chapter is analysis of the Leave and Remain campaigns (Vote Leave, Leave.EU and Stronger In) and what became known respectively as ‘projects hate and fear’. The chapter concludes with an inquest into the state of British democracy and how fundamental weaknesses in the body politic enabled Brexit, among which is the emergence of ’post-truth’ politics and the influence of the tabloid media.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document