scholarly journals Consider the following scenario: “A politically connected White Western European businessman offers to smooth the way for your company to sell in his country … for a fee.”

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Stuart Eccles ◽  
Busisiwe Magagula
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
A. Sindeev

At a first glance, the article is treating a private issue, namely that of the feasibility of the concept of a “Europe of citizens” in the Federal Republic of Germany. However, while discussing it we have to analyze at least three fundamental issues. 1). What is the West German democracy? 2). How democracy and Western/European integration are interlinked? 3). To what extent the concept of a “Europe of citizens” is able to lead both integration and democracy from the currently difficult situation in which are these two main components of the contemporary Western civilization?


Literary Fact ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 253-267
Author(s):  
Vsevolod E. Bagno ◽  
Tatiana V. Misnikevich

The article examines the reception of Western European modernism in Russia in the late 19 th — early 20th centuries, with the emphasis on the phenomenon of the “crooked mirror” of a different nation perception, which not only endows the work of a foreign author with new functions, but sometimes also gives it a new scale (as with Byron, Zola, some of whose novels were published in Russian translation earlier than in the original in France, the Parnassian poet Jose Maria de Heredia, who received real fame in Russia, in contrast to the very short recognition in his homeland). The subject of the analysis is the texts that are maximally indicative and convincing for the stated topic, above all the translations from Paul Verlaine by Fyodor Sologub, who, along with Bryusov, opened the French poet to the Russian reader, and his original poems, created in the course of and largely as a result of work on translations. The systematization of observations on specific texts makes it possible to conclude that Russian Symbolists, adhering to sometimes opposite views on art, relying on the authority of Baudelaire and Verlaine who are perceived in France more as predecessors of Symbolism than its representatives, walked alongside them, never meeting along the way, but recognizing the “other” as “equal”.


1989 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 97-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. B. Duffill

In the following commentary on three Hausa poems presented in Part I of this essay, I attempt to analyze each poem, paying greatest attention to Wakar Talauci da Wadata. First I take up the matter of the dating of the poem from internal evidence and follow that with some general observations on the problems and methods involved in the analysis. The detailed commentary on Wakar Talauci da Wadata follows, divided into four sections: an examination of the objective conditions of poverty and wealth as they are presented in the poem; a discussion of the subjective evaluation of the condition of poverty and the condition of wealth, as Darho observed it among the Hausa; an examination of the way in which women are represented in the poem; and a discussion of the proposition that there are contradictions in the poem itself and in the social position of the poet. After discussing Wakar Madugu Yahaya and Wakar Abinda, I try to place Wakar Talauci da Wadata in the comparative context of several Western European literary products and one Arabic. The object of this excursus is to show that in the literature of other cultures, more or less distant in both time and space, there have been concerns and preoccupations that are essentially the same as those that occupied the mind of Darho.Unlike the 1903 version of the poem used by Pilaszewicz and Tahir/Goody, the version from the Mischlich collection is undated, but there is internal evidence to suggest that the poem was composed no earlier than 1874/75 and probably between 1896 and 1910.


Author(s):  
Ido de Haan

One of the most striking features of Europe's postwar history is the emergence of the welfare state. Even though the first social policies had already been introduced in the 1880s, and while many of the organisational forms that became entrenched after 1945 were initiated in the first half of the twentieth century, the size and impact of the postwar welfare state was unprecedented. Even more remarkable was the widespread consensus with which structural social and economic reforms were implemented. The deep political and social rifts of the 1920s and 1930s and the lack of trust in democratic means to overcome these confrontations had been replaced by the acceptance of an interventionist state and parliamentary democracy as the way to solve conflicts about the way in which this state distributed social goods. The swift and consensual growth of the welfare state is also remarkable because most western European countries were governed by conservative governments, or coalition governments in which Social Democrats had to share power with conservative Christian Democrats and Liberals.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 470-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred Grosser

The double crisis we witnessed last autumn dates back to six months ago, yet it may already be possible to outline a schematic picture of its repercussions on the international organizations in Europe. I shall describe neither the structures of these organizations nor the way they work, but, rather, the political context, which alone permits us to evaluate their potential for action and influence on the European scene. This paper will therefore deal first with the immediate consequences of the Budapest massacres and with the unsuccessful enterprise of the Anglo-French forces in Suez. It will then try to evaluate the present political motivations of the French, British, and German policies, and this will lead to an examination of the political decay of both NATO in Europe and the Western European Union. A cursory glance at what is usually called the European parliaments—already in existence or in the process of being created—will lead us to conclusions in which the Algerian question and the question of German reunification will figure more predominantly than international organizations whose juridical future seems more certain than their political effectiveness.


Neophilology ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 711-717
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Zaytsev

We tell about the I.A. Dedkov’s views on the ratio of end and means on the way to high social ideal. We conduct an analysis that reveals the humanistic ontology of his worldview. Being a staunch antistalinist, supporter of the decisions of the 20th Congress of the CPSU, I.A. Dedkov throughout his life and work, in letters, diary entries, in literary-critical and practical activities, consistently condemned the inhuman principle “the end justifies the means”, drawing for this ar-guments from the traditions of Russian classical literature and Russian pre-revolutionary liberal-oriented philosophy, as well as from Western European existentialism. We reveal this humanistic and ideological intention that existed latently in the times of the USSR in the literary heritage of the critic and journalist I.A. Dedkov. The main methods used in the preparation of this work: ele-ments of systemic and comparative analyzes, biographical, discursive and narrative research me-thods. The main conclusions from the study are the disclosure of the humanistic nature of I.A. Dedkov, which sharply differs from the immoral methodology of political expediency, neg-lecting the choice and use of ethically grounded and adequate means of its implementation. This provision is supported by texthestruic analysis of a number of sources, including the Y.V. Triforov’s novel “The Impatient Ones” from the series «Family Revolutionary» on the revo-lutionary population of A.I. Zhelyabov. I.A. Dedkov consistently defended his theoretical and ideological postulates based on the non-acceptance and rejection of inhumane and ruthless politi-cal practices in his literary, critical and journalistic activities, as well as in his personal life, while remaining loyal to the socialist (communist) ideal in its humanistic (anthropocentric) ideal.


1992 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-30
Author(s):  
Victor Perez-Diaz

Democratic transitions depend on prior societal traditions and the emergence of a new political culture, but the crucial test for the consolidation and the institutionalization of democracy is the (relative) success of the new democratic state in the task of handling the basic problems of the country. This is a challenge for both the state and civil society, and the way this challenge is met has important repercussions on the relations between them. This test was particularly difficult for Spain due to the fact that it took place at a time of profound transformations (economic, social and cultural) in those Western European countries Spain was so eager to be part of.


PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (2) ◽  
pp. 616-623 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Holsinger

For Jorge Luis Borges, local color was overrated. In “the argentine writer and tradition” (1951), borges responded to the charges of critics who valued indigenous traditions and themes above all else; for Borges, just as Shakespeare could draw on Scandinavian history and Racine from the memories of the ancient world, so the Argentine writer should be permitted to mine the veins of the Western European tradition for the rich ore of literary art (Frisch 43). When the national writer does wish to produce a “truly native” text, he suggests, this should be accomplished with great subtlety, even to the extent of obscuring altogether the indigenous hues of local color in favor of an unspoken affiliation with the authorial homeland. A prime example of this technique, he avows, can be found in the Koran:A few days ago, I discovered a curious confirmation of the way in which what is truly native can and often does dispense with local color; I found this confirmation in Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Gibbon observes that in the Arab book par excellence, the Koran, there are no camels; I believe that if there ever were any doubt as to the authenticity of the Koran, this lack of camels would suffice to prove that it is Arab. It was written by Mohammed, and Mohammed, as an Arab, had no reason to know that camels were particularly Arab; they were, for him, a part of reality, and he had no reason to single them out, while the first thing a forger, a tourist, or an Arab nationalist would do is bring on the camels, whole caravans of camels on every page; but Mohammed, as an Arab, was unconcerned; he knew he could be Arab without camels. I believe that we Argentines can be like Mohammed; we can believe in the possibility of being Argentine without abounding in local color. (181)


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