scholarly journals ‘You dribble faster than Messi and jump higher than Jordan’: The art of complimenting and praising in political discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zohar Kampf ◽  
Roni Danziger

Abstract Communicating admiration and appreciation in public discourse are two important tasks for political actors who wish to secure relationships and advance models for civic behavior. Our goal in this study is to understand how political actors signal their desire to please addressees and advance political sociability by way of manifesting positive judgment towards others. On the basis of 241 utterances praising and complimenting others’ words and deeds, we identify the topics, patterns, and functions of these speech acts and the processes and struggles they evoke in Israeli public discourse. We conclude by discussing the role of positive evaluations in demarcating the boundaries of proper conduct in political communities and the ways the distinctive logic of politics is integrated with specific cultural speaking styles in influencing how members of the Israeli political community signal their appreciation and affect for other members’ skills, performances, and personalities.

Author(s):  
Martin R. Herbers

Dominant positions shape political discourse. They are brought forth by politicians and journalists alike, and impact social reality. With regard to migration discourse, strong images of repulsion, such as ‘Fortress Europe’, perpetuate a highly conservative stance. Nevertheless, these images can be subverted through comedy. The paper reviews the German television comedy show StandUpMigranten, which revolves around topics of immigration to Germany. Comedy subverts stereotypical depictions of immigrants and discusses them against the backdrop of comedy theory and its role in public discourse. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 613-645
Author(s):  
E. Nicole Thornton

AbstractThis article examines the exclusion of Afro-Mauritians (or Creoles) in Mauritian multiculturalism. Although Creoles represent nearly thirty percent of the population, they are the only major group not officially recognized in the Mauritian Constitution (unlike Hindus, Muslims, and the Chinese) and they experience uniquely high levels of socioeconomic and political marginalization despite the country’s decades-long policy of official multiculturalism. While scholarship on multiculturalism and nation-building in plural societies might explain the exclusion of Creoles as a breakdown in the forging of political community in postcolonial Mauritius, I build on these theories by focusing on the tension between diaspora and nativity evident in Mauritian public discourse. Using the politics of language policy as a case study, I examine why the Kreol language in Mauritius—the ancestral language of Creoles and mother tongue of the majority of Mauritians—was consistently rejected for inclusion in language policy until recently (unlike Hindi, Urdu, and other ethnic languages). In my analysis of public policy discourse, I map how Creole ethnic activists negotiated Kreol’s inclusion in multiculturalism and highlight their constraints. This analysis shows that through multiculturalism, non-Creole political actors have created ethnic categories of inclusion while reciprocally denoting racially-excluded others defined by their lack of diasporic cultural value. I argue that groups claiming diasporic cultural connections are privileged as “ethnics” deemed worthy of multicultural inclusion, while those with ancestral connections more natively-bound to the local territory (such as Creoles, as a post-slavery population) are deemed problematic, culturally dis-recognized, and racialized as “the Other” because their nativity gives them a platform from which to lay territorial counter-claims to the nation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3 (27)) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Mikhail K. Churkin

The article reconstructed the model of anti-colonial representations of the Kazakh intelligentsia in the socio-political discourse of the second half of the 19th - early 20th century. In the course of the study, the factors of the formation and institutionalization of the intelligentsia of the indigenous peoples were identified, the sociocultural conditions and their influence on the ideology of anticolonialism were illustrated, the main channels for expressing anticolonial ideas and views were revealed. It was established that the formation of the anticolonial segment of the socio-political discourse of colonization took place under the conditions of a complex sociocultural background of intensification of migration movements and the integration of the region into the system of national administrative control. The role of Russian educational and cultural institutions, as well as the importance of national traditions in the formation of the Kazakh intelligentsia as a national professional community, is revealed.


Author(s):  
Ngala Chome

This chapter discusses Muslim politics in the context of wider debates about political inclusion and exclusion in Kenya. It submits that a common narrative of exclusion and injustice amongst Kenya’s minority Muslim population exists, but that an imagined political community of Muslims has failed to emerge. In part, this is due to ethnic, racial, class, and doctrinal differences. It is also due to different understandings of what needs to be done to address a commonly felt sense of marginalization, with two broad narratives emerging since the early 1990s. The first narrative encourages Muslim participation in formal political processes. The second narrative discourages such involvement and seeks a solution in transnational efforts to overthrow the international system. It is through such differences, debates, and contestations that ongoing, but largely unsuccessful, struggles to create an imagined political community of Muslims, and the more recent articulation of an Islamist ideology in Kenya’s public discourse, should be understood.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 330-356
Author(s):  
David Thomas Suell

In this essay, I examine Nigerian playwright Wole Soyinka’s A Dance of the Forests in order to think through political founding. Viewing founding from the postcolonial context, I explore how members of a political community negotiate among the multiple pasts that continue to affect them, and what kind of institutions and actors are best equipped to pursue this critical part of the founding project. Situating Soyinka’s account against competing narratives of the postcolonial condition, I demonstrate how he uses Yoruba philosophy and cosmology to reframe the challenges and potentials of founding, and I illustrate how political actors should respond to these by adopting the role of “citizen-artists” who can learn from past struggles and overcome their overwhelming legacies. Read as a dramatic intervention into Nigerian democratic politics and as a work of political theory, A Dance offers a lens through which to interrogate founding within and beyond the postcolony.


2020 ◽  
Vol 210 ◽  
pp. 16016
Author(s):  
Sergey Fedorchenko ◽  
Roman Alekseev ◽  
Dmitry Ezhov ◽  
Evgenia Kurenkova

The purpose of this work is to identify the potential and limitations of online network communities to strengthen the position of the democratic political regime. The study was conducted using the example of Internet communications in the USA and France. The principles of comparative analysis and quantitative content analysis were used as a methodological basis. Additional methodological optics were elements of SWOT analysis. The analysis showed that the American and French democratic political regimes actively use online network communities to strengthen their positions in society. At the same time, it is revealed that the largest online political communities are groups of leaders, which is interpreted by the authors as a general pattern in the two studied countries – the growth of populism. The increasing role of populism is associated with the phenomenon of mediacracy – the dependence of the modern political process on media corporations and media platforms, including online ones, which establish a specific format of media journalism for political actors. The strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of online communities for preserving democracy are also identified.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamaruddin Salim

<p><em>Political Participation and the Dynamics of Democracy in the City of Tidore Islands provide an interesting picture in political studies in Indonesia. In political contestation along with the passing of Direct Local Election, the people of Tidore Islands have been educated in political participation and democracy. Increased level of community political participation in the 2019 Concurrent Election. Strengthening of community patrenalistic politics with the weakening role of political parties in educating the political community. The political culture of openness with the role of political actors emerged as a civil society group that was able to influence bureaucratic policies or be involved in determining who deserved to sit in the government or in the legislature. Political dynamics characterized by the circulation of new elites in the socio-political space illustrates the future of democracy by conducting analytical descriptive research in order to understand the process of political participation and democratization which is the most important learning for people in politics.</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>:Democracy, Concurrent Election, Political Culture, and Elite Circulation</em><em></em></p><p><strong> </strong></p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-74
Author(s):  
Tolulope Iredele

The study investigates the role of language in civic engagement and demonstrates how language is used as a viable tool to propel civic actions. Hence, it focused on the locution and illocutionary acts of Obasanjo's letters to two presidents in Nigeria. Sixty sentences were selected from three open letters. The findings showed that the overall relative frequency percentages are: commissive 15%, assertive 20%, directive 48.3%, declarative 6.7%, and expressive 10%. Results show that Obasanjo, in his letters relied more on sentences that performed directive acts more than other speech acts. However, in his letters to Buhari, he used sentences with assertive acts more than he used in his letter to Jonathan. Hence, the data is characterized by a preponderance of directive, assertive and commissive acts as rhetoric strategies. The study confirms that language use in political discourse is rarely neutral. It further demonstrates that civic engagement drivers manipulate language to influence political decisions and reconstruct public opinion by propelling certain actions or inactions.  


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zohar Kampf

Scholars of politeness admit that being insulted may be the result of the hearer’s assumptions about the other’s behavior and may not necessarily relate to the actual words or intentions of the speaker. Thus, it is surprising to find only a few accounts of how people are doing “being insulted” or of how, in public discourse, responses to insults are strategically employed for various ends. In this paper, I analyze the meta-pragmatics of “hurt feelings” in order to understand how speakers do things with emotions and the role of hurt feelings in political democratic discourse. By examining instances in which public figures have stated their feelings of insult in Israeli public discourse (1997–2012), I show both how hurt feelings are strategically employed to protest against politically unacceptable acts, and how public actors sometimes explicitly refuse to be insulted, shifting the meaning of what is perceived as an insult by side-participants into a compliment. I conclude by discussing the consequences of manifesting hurt feelings in political discourse.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Gubara Said Hassan ◽  
Jabal M. Buaben

The role of Islamic intellectuals is not confined to elaborating on the religious ideology of Islam. Equally important is their role in setting this religious ideology against other ideologies, sharpening and clarifying their differences, and thereby developing and intensifying one’s commitment to Islam as a distinct, divinely based ideology. Islam, as both a religion and an ideology, simultaneously mobilizes and transforms, legitimizes and preserves. It can be an instrument of power, a source and a guarantee of its legitimacy, as well as a tool to be used in the political struggle among social classes. Islam can also present a challenge to authority whenever the religious movement questions the existing social order during times of crisis and raises a rival power, as the current situation in Sudan vividly demonstrates. Throughout his political career, Hassan al-Turabi has resorted to religious symbolism in his public discourse and/or Islamic rhetoric, which could often be inflammatory and heavily reliant upon the Qur’an. This is, in fact, the embodiment of the Islamic quest for an ideal alternative. Our paper focuses on this charismatic and pragmatic religio-political leader of Sudan and the key concepts of his religious discourse: faith (īmān), renewal (tajdīd), and ijtihād(rational, independent, and legal reasoning).


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