scholarly journals Basic Income—an early Icelandic experiment**

2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-62
Author(s):  
Johannes Karlsson ◽  
Thorolfur Matthiasson

Abstract Old age, illness, and/or physical and/or mental disabilities may limit the ability of an individual to generate enough income to cover basic costs of living. Most developed nations provide financial assistance to persons with limited abilities. In 1974, an Icelandic government passed an act of law providing a tax credit, payable to taxpayers under certain conditions. The tax allowance was applied first to settle the taxes and public levies owed by the taxpayer, with any amount remaining paid out to the individual. This system can be seen as a first, limited attempt at establishing a partial universal basic income of sorts. This social interaction between stakeholders on how to share the tax revenue between the taxpayers led to a government crisis. The shareholders in this partial universal basic income system, the state and municipalities, the old age community, the trade unions, and the employers all have different financial and political interests and were affected by this reform. The lesson is that a basic income would need strong supporters if implemented, where the role of the government and/or the parliament would be mapped. Its supporters must be able to withstand the pressure from the social partners in the labor market because of the interactivity of the social security system and the pension fund system, which is not a part of the fiscal system in Iceland. The conflict of interests becomes apparent.

Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-117
Author(s):  
Willy Peirens

The unique character of the socio-economic negociations in Belgium has lost much of its glamour and prestige during the last quarter of the 20th century.  While before 1975, there was more or less agreement among the social partners to redistribute welfare to the whole society, after the first oil crisis employers tended to see themselves in competition with other employers, with the trade unions and with the state. Both employers' organisations as trade unions wanted to safeguard their own priorities, respectively the competitiveness of the enterprises and the system of indexation. As a consequence, it became very difficult to reach agreements and hence, there have been no or only very small interprofessional agreements signed since 1975.The role of the government in this period evolved from the role of host for the negociations to that of co-actor and finally to director. When no agreement was possible between the social partners, the govenrment itself took the initiative and both trade unions and employers' organisations tried to lobby the government rather than being partners in negociations. The measures of the government, especially those taken with extra-ordinary powers, were often beneficial for the employers. Despite the emphasis by the trade unions on employment, their efforts beared not much fruit. The first priority of both the government and the employers was the enhancement of the financial and the economic situation of the country. Since the interprofessional agreement of 1999-2000, a new period bas begun. Trade unions and employers' organisations are constrained by what happens in the rest of Europe. Between these constaints, they can negociate and conclude agreements on the basis of freedom and responsibility.The level of negociations shifted in this period from the interprofessional level to the level of the sector or even to the level of the enterprise. Another trend is the creation of an institutional framework for social talks on the Flemish level.The challenges for the future are the installation of a European or even an international world-wide institutional framework for social negociations and the development of themes as permanent education, quality of life and work and the enhancement of the socio-economic democracy.


Author(s):  
Marianne S. Ulriksen

In the early 2000s, there was low elite commitment to social protection in Tanzania. Yet, in 2012, the government officially launched a countrywide social safety net programme and a year later announced the introduction of an old-age pension. This chapter explores what explains the change in elite commitment to social protection between the early 2000s and 2015. The analysis takes an ideational approach, and it is shown how the promotion of social protection has been driven by international and domestic institutions with the resources, expertise, and authority to present policy solutions fitting the elite’s general ideas about Tanzania’s development challenges and possible responses thereto. Thus, ideas play an important role in policy development but they may also be vulnerable to political interests that can challenge the long-term sustainability of promoted policies.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
David F. Smith

Industrial democracy and worker participation have become important topics for international debate, with developments taking place in many countries. Despite its former reputation for advances in the social field, little has been heard about developments in worker participation in New Zealand. The aim of the present paper is to report and assess such developments whilst placing these within the context of developments in industrial relations in that country. The strong reliance upon legal arrangements and government intervention in industrial relations matters have had a marked effect upon the development of the industrial relations system in New Zealand. Yet, despite this tradition of legalism, successive governments remain singularly reluctant to legislate in the field of worker participation. Recent initiatives by employers have been strongly unitary in nature, whilst the trade unions appear to be concentrating their efforts upon extending the scope of collective bargaining, an opportunity afforded to them due to recent changes in the law. The present Government's wish that voluntary arrangements between employers and trade unions will eventuate to cover worker participation seems less than pragmatic, since employers, unions and the Government itself differ so fundamentally upon what constitutes worker participation, and the forms it might take.


2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeria Pulignano

This paper argues that the Berlusconi government is seeking to replace the ‘social concertation’ arrangement between government and trade unions with ‘social dialogue’ in an effort to undermine trade union ‘power’. This endeavour by the government to impose a policy of ‘social dialogue’ would severely limit trade unions' influence in economic and social policy decision-making and leave Berlusconi free to introduce reforms favouring his friends in employer organisations. One likely outcome would be the deregulation of the Italian labour market strongly damaging workers' rights.


2010 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-153
Author(s):  
Alan Knight

AbstractThis article examines Frank Tannenbaum's engagement with Mexico in the crucial years following the Revolution of 1910–1920 and his first visit to the country in 1922. Invited—and feted—by the government and its powerful labor allies, Tannenbaum soon expanded his initial interest in organized labor and produced a stream of work dealing with trade unions, peasants, Indians, politics, and education—work that described and often justified the social program of the Revolution, and that, rather surprisingly, continued long after the Revolution had lost its radical credentials in the 1940s. Tannenbaum's vision of Mexico was culturalist, even essentialist; more Veblenian than Marxist; at times downright folkloric. But he also captured important aspects of the process he witnessed: local and regional variations, the unquantifiable socio-psychological consequences of revolution, and the prevailing concern for order and stability. In sum, Tannenbaum helped establish the orthodox—agrarian, patriotic, and populist—vision of the Revolution for which he has been roundly, if sometimes excessively, criticized by recent “revisionist” historians; yet his culturalist approach, with its lapses into essentialism, oddly prefigures the “new cultural history” that many of these same historians espouse.


Author(s):  
Mona Adria Wirda ◽  
Nurmala Berutu ◽  
Riki Rahmad

This research aims to identify of coastal communities chartered economic potency, explore the human resources potency of coastal communities, investigate the role of coastal communities chartered economic institution, and knowing both of the socio-economic condition and infrastructure support for the economic development of coastal areas in Serdang Bedagai Regency. This research was done in Pantai Sialang Buah Desa Teluk Mengkudu, Serdang Bedagai Regency. respondents took by random sampling method. Data analysis method of this research was applied descriptive analysis. The result of this research shows that communities economics potency at coastal area quite prospective. The social economic condition of communities at coastal area relatively still very lag, although the economic sector is very potential to be developed like fishery sector, cultivation of seagrass, beach tourism, field crop and breeding sector. The role of the government and the private sector in developing the potential of coastal communities is not sufficient, especially in the field of infrastructure.


Author(s):  
Olha Buturlimova

The article examines the processes of organizational development of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century, the evolution of the party structure and political programme in the twentieths of the XXth century. Special attention is paid to researching the formation of the Social Democratic Federation, Fabian Society and Independent Labour Party till the time of its joining to the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and adopting the “Labour Party” name in 1906. The author’s aim was to comprehensively investigate the political manifests and activities of those organizations on the way of transformation from separate trade-unions and socialist groups to apparent union of labour, and then to the mass and wide represented parliamentary party. However, the variety of social base of those societies is distinguished, and difference of socialist views and tactics of achieving the final purpose are emphasized. Considerable attention is paid to the system of the individual membership and results thereof in the process of the evolution of the Labour Party’s organization. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act, 1918 and the crisis in the Liberal party were favourable for the further evolution of the Labour Party. It is summarized that the social base, the history of party’s birth, the conditions of formation and the party system had influenced the process of the evolution of the ideological and political concepts of Labourizm.


2020 ◽  
Vol 202 ◽  
pp. 07049
Author(s):  
Waskito Widi Wardojo ◽  
Singgih Tri Sulistiyono ◽  
Endang Susilowati ◽  
Yety Rochwulaningsih

The issue of the nationalization of Dutch companies (railroad), which strengthened in the early 1950s, had caused some concern among Dutch companies. The issue was rolled by leftists who were disappointed with some of the results of the Round Table Conference (RTC) in December 1949. There was a phenomenon of xenophobia among natives of something that smelled of foreign (Western) so that the government policies that emerged were rooted in this matter, starting from the Benteng program and the nationalization of the company foreign. This paper aims to parse the anti-foreign phenomenon before nationalization by emphasizing the socio-cultural aspects. If the political process is carried out by the state political elite, then the social process is carried out by other elements of society such as trade unions in the form of boycotts, strikes and demonstrations. While cultural action is carried out by elements of society such as artists and humanists who carry out a variety of artistic actions such as murals, propaganda graffiti, advertisements in the mass media or images that burn the spirit of warriors on the walls in the city area. Particularly among railways, various socio-cultural activities were carried out by the Djawatan Kereta Api (DKA) in the 1950s. This research uses historical research methods based on primary sources traced from archival institutions and libraries. Research results show that the phenomenon of xenophobia that occurred in the decade of the 50s is part of the national socio-political criticism expressed through various forms of social culture.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-84
Author(s):  
Hafiz Sutrisno

Workers in Indonesia now really need a social security for themselves, because with the social security received by them makes them more focused in carrying out their duties to completion. The existence of social security provided will increase the welfare of the workforce itself and have a good impact on the survival of their families in the future if one day there is an accident of work from these workers when they carry out their duties the family can enjoy financial assistance from the government through social security. This study uses qualitative methods, namely research procedures that produce descriptive data in the form of written or spoken words from people or observable behavior. This method also comes from actions that are used as an understanding based on phenomena that occur in society, especially workers. In giving effect to the workers, BPJS Ketenagakerjaan has functions for workers, namely: Organizing work accident insurance programs, Organizing death insurance programs, Conducting old age insurance programs, Organizing pension insurance programs. The conclusion of this research is that there are still many companies that do not give rights to their workforce, that is, they do not take care of BJPS Ketenagakerjaan, which is a matter that must be obtained by each workforce. And the lack of awareness of the workforce about the benefits of BPJS Ketenagakerjaan for them in the event of a work accident.


Author(s):  
Bala Sundara Ganapathy N ◽  
Mohana Prasad K

It has been recently assessed that the quantity of social media clients are generally around two billion; in addition, it is foreseen that this number would altogether ascend in an incentive because of the expanding utilization of PDAs, which thus brings about the expanding utilization of mobile social networks. Developed nations have their own guideline for posting and getting to the substance from/to the social media. Numerous nations didn’t outline any guideline for posting internet based social media substance. This paper dismembers about the peril components of social media and the proposed guideline of the government of India for Social Media posting. The purpose of this investigation is to make the attention about the social media issues and the need of immediate and effective regulation against the publication and proliferation of sexually abusive web content like kid erotic entertainment, assault and assault recordings and frightful material through Internet.


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