An explanation for ablaut-leveling in Early New High German strong verbs

Author(s):  
Diana Chirita
2012 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torben Juel Jensen ◽  
Marie Maegaard

The article presents a real-time study of standardization and regionalization processes with respect to the use of past participles of strong verbs in the western part of Denmark. Analyses of a large corpus of recordings of informants from two localities show that the use of the dialectalenform of the past participle suffix has been in decline during the last 30 years. Theenforms are replaced by three other forms, one of which is (partly) dialectal, one regional and one standard Danish. The study indicates that a regionalization process has taken place prior to the time period studied, but that it has now been overtaken by a Copenhagen-based standardization process. The study also shows interesting differences between the two localities, arguably due to the geographical location and size, and to the status of the different participle forms in the traditional local dialects.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 35-44
Author(s):  
Abdul Aziz Roslina ◽  
Zuraidah Mohd Don

This study investigates a syntactic problem in the writing of ESL learners whose first language is Bahasa Melayu or Malay. It focuses specifically on is, are, was, and were overgenerated with inflected and uninflected lexical verbs to form two primary constructions, namely be + V and be + Ved (or Ven in the case of strong verbs). This study aims to examine the patterns of be overgeneration constructions produced by the learners and determine if these are the outcome of tense and agreement marking, as postulated by Ionin and Wexler (2001, 2002). The data for the study were obtained from the Malaysian Corpus of Learner English (MACLE), a learner corpus developed by the University of Malaya. The findings reveal that uninflected verbs occur more frequently than inflected verbs in the position after be, which translates into higher occurrences of the be + bare V construction in comparison to the be + Ved construction. Both constructions are also found to occur more frequently with transitive verbs. The findings suggest that (i) the overgeneration of be + bare V is the result of agreement marking, while (ii) be + Ved is the outcome of assigning the tense feature. These findings suggest that the overgeneration of be constructions produced by L1-Malay ESL learners could be the product of a developmental aspect of language acquisition. This traces back to the system underlying the patterns of overgeneration, which is clearly made up of non-random constructions governed by very specific interlanguage grammar.


2002 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 67-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrike Demske

Recent work on argument selection couched in a lexical decomposition approach (Ehrich & Rapp 2000) postulates different linking properties for verbs and nouns, challenging current views on argument inheritance. In this paper, I show that the different behavior with respect to verbal and nominal linking observed for Present-Day German does not carry over to ung-nominals in Early New High German. Deverbal nouns and corresponding verbs rather behave alike with respect to argument linking. I shall argue that this change is motivated by the growing rift between ung-nominals and their verbal bases both focussing on different parts oftheir lexicosemantic structure in Present-Day German. Evidence for the verb-like behavior of ung-nominals in Early New High German comes from the regular meaning relation between verbs and corresponding derived nouns, the actional properties of event-denoting nouns, and the patterning of ung-nominals with nominalized infinitives. Even their syntactic behavior reflects the verbal character of ung-nominals during that period of the German language. The diachronic facts can be accounted for in a straightforward way once we adopt a lexical decomposition approach to argument selection.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Junyu Ruan

Strong verbs in Middle High German (MHG) have two past indicative stems in the verb inflectional paradigm, which merged into one in Modern High German (NHG). This change is mostly assumed as paradigmatic leveling in previous studies. However, the NHG past indicative stems are inherited from different cells in the MHG paradigm across different inflectional classes, or even innovatively created by combining different parts of the MHG past indicative stems. This paper attempts to identify the base of leveling using a computational model called Minimal Generalization Learner, proposed in Albright (2002b). The results can account for the extraordinary patterns of merger found in German to some extent, but they are not perfect and even pose new problems. As a counter-proposal, I argue that the merger that appears to be paradigmatic leveling might be triggered by reanalysis of phonological features as morphological exponents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-393
Author(s):  
Eva Büthe-Scheider

We improve the geolinguistic classification of a text witness of the 'Sibyllenweissagung', examine previous localizations of this example and discuss the methods of linguistic localizations with special regard to texts handed down in copial form. We provide evidence that in addition to the exclusive localization features, the local usances of writing also play an important role. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird die sprachliche Einordnung eines Textzeugen der 'Sibyllenweissagung' präzisiert. Dabei werden bisherige sprachräumliche Zuschreibungen überprüft und Grenzen und Möglichkeiten der Lokalisierung von kopial überlieferten Texten methodisch diskutiert und ausgelotet. Es zeigt sich, dass neben den aufzuspürenden Exklusivmerkmalen, die eine Lokalisierung erlauben, auch dem jeweils gültigen Schreibusus eine wichtige Rolle zukommt.


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