scholarly journals THE FUTURE OF THE CUSTOMS UNION BETWEEN TURKEY AND THE EU IN THE CONTEXT OF THE TRADE POLICY AGENDA OF THE EU

2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 397
Author(s):  
Mahmut Tekçe
Keyword(s):  
Trade Policy ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Eu

scholarly journals PROBLEMS OF DIPLOMACY IN THE PROCESS OF EURASIAN INTEGRATION

2014 ◽  
pp. 37-42
Author(s):  
A. A. Durdyyeva
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Legal Form ◽  
Economic Space ◽  
Security Treaty ◽  
Unique System ◽  
The Future ◽  
Economic Constraints ◽  
The Eu

Nowadays regionalization and integration are key trends in international relations. The creation of alliances and international organizations and the establishment of contractual relations in various spheres have acquired global dimensions. Among such prominent integration groupings as the EU, ASEAN, APEC, NAfTa, MERCOSUR, the African Union and others, one of the most ambitious is the project of the Eurasian Union, which is aimed at the economic, cultural and political integration of states in the CIS area. The evolution of the EAU from idea to the main stages of implementation took quite a lot of time. The modern political initiative proceeding from the leaders of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus represents a mature legal form, which actually reflects the historically prevalent tendency of the post-Soviet peoples to associate with each other. The successful functioning of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space were preconditions to the project of the Eurasian Union. The Union State of Russia and Belarus and Organization of the Collective Security Treaty associations played a particular role in structuring the EAU. Today the establishment of the Union has become one of the defining trends of Russian policy. The basic stages of integration are completed; however, a large number of the economic and political challenges of the future EAU are still to be faced. One of the stumbling blocks is the problem of choosing the model of the future Eurasian diplomacy. The appearance of the chosen model is actually confronted with inevitable and sometimes unforeseen obstacles. The integration experience of other international organizations (primarily in legal, diplomatic and economic spheres) will help to overcome them. In particular, considerable experience has been gained by the European Union. Despite a number of political, cultural and economic constraints, the possibility of transferring the EU diplomatic system to the EAU can't be rejected. The EAU establishment through the legal, economic and political mechanisms used by the EU in elaborating its diplomatic system may lead to a unique system of diplomatic cooperation. The EU experience analysis and the possibility to prevent its mistakes will allow the EAU to make use of the existing integration, political and economic resources more efficiently on its way toward establishment.

scholarly journals The Status of Northern Ireland after Brexit: Probable Models

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Serhii Rudko
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
German Version ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Eu

The article highlights one of the main issues related to the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, Northern Ireland’s new status, in particular, the status of the border between NI and the Republic of Ireland. It has been an ‘apple of discord’ from the first stage and during the last stage of the Brexit negotiations. The future ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ Irish-British border is not a problem in the negotiations between the United Kingdom and the European Union only, but is also a serious domestic political challenge for Theresa May’s government. The article explains possible models of the future status of Northern Ireland. The most probable solutions are: a ‘reverse Greenland’, a ‘reverse Cyprus’ and a ‘German version’. Following the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, the EU invested heavily in supporting border communities for the development of small business and industry, which improved the economic situation in the area of the former conflict and facilitated border dialogue. However, it led to the fact that many enterprises were oriented towards the EU market or border trade. The article concludes that the ‘reverse Greenland’ model would enable Northern Ireland to remain in the single market and customs union apart from the rest of Great Britain, which would prevent the establishment of a tight boundary between both Irelands. The author outlined the possible implications of the ‘reverse Cyprus’ model, which suggests that the United Kingdom would technically remain a part of the EU, and that the EU’s legislation would be suspended only on its separate parts (that is, Wales and England). The researcher emphasizes that the ‘German version’ could be applied in the case of future reunification of both Irelands, then Northern Ireland would remain a part of the EU until its new status on the referendum have been resolved. The article summarized that no examples above provide a precise analogy, since Brexit is unprecedented event. The most likely models of the Northern Ireland’s future are the ‘reverse Greenland’ and the ‘reverse Cyprus’

scholarly journals The EU as an Anchor for Turkey’s Macroeconomic and Trade Policy

2021 ◽  
pp. 295-322
Author(s):  
Mehmet Sait Akman ◽  
Semih Emre Çekin
Keyword(s):  
Trade Policy ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
European Council ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
Turkish Economy ◽  
Policy Arena ◽  
The Eu

AbstractEU–Turkey relations have been subject to manifold ups and downs for decades. The EU’s role in Turkey’s domestic transformation has long been a matter of interest to the academic community. This chapter examines to what extent and under what conditions the EU has served as an anchor for the Turkish economy during the last two decades, focusing on the effects of the EU anchor on Turkey’s macroeconomic and trade policy. It finds that maintaining a European anchor after the Helsinki European Council helped Turkey realize much-desired comprehensive macroeconomic reforms, especially during times when the EU anchor was combined with another multilateral anchor. Nevertheless, the EU’s anchor-providing role has not been consistent and amidst changing political circumstances it is no longer considered an ‘elixir’ for the Turkish economy. The establishment of the Customs Union (CU) is revealed to have been a significant driver of the transformation of Turkey’s trade policy. While the trade partnership remains one of the few well-functioning aspects of the volatile bilateral dialogue between the EU and Turkey, the EU’s role in the trade policy arena is diminishing, and the upgrading of the CU remains vital to achieve further momentum and enhance mutual gains.

The Transition

2020 ◽  
pp. 171-190
Author(s):  
Kenneth A Armstrong
Keyword(s):  
Member State ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Internal Market ◽  
Time Constraints ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

This chapter studies an innovative governance devise invented by the Brexit negotiators: transition — a stand-still period which will allow the UK to remain pro tempore part of the EU internal market and customs union despite being no longer a member state. On February 1, 2020, and ten months later than scheduled, the EU and the UK entered into a period of ‘transition’; a time between formal membership of the EU and the beginning of a new relationship. At one level, there is a certain taken-for-granted simplicity to the idea of managing not just an orderly exit of the UK from the EU but also the provision of continuity and certainty while the parties negotiate and decide their future relationship. But at another level, the formal terminology and indeed the metaphors used to describe this interim legal framework disclose some deeper tensions around the sequencing and organisation of the withdrawal process as well as the direction of travel of the parties. Transition was originally conceived as a bridge toward the future EU–UK relations, but the risks remain that it may turn into a bridge to nowhere — particularly if the period is not extended beyond December 31, 2020, given time-constraints for such new difficult negotiations.

scholarly journals The UK and EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy after Brexit: Integrated, Associated or Detached?

2016 ◽  
Vol 238 ◽  
pp. R43-R50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard G. Whitman
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Trade Policy ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Future ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Eu Policies ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

None of the existing models for the future trade policy relationship between the UK and the EU come with a predetermined foreign and security policy relationship. This article assesses how the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be organised post-Brexit. It provides evaluation of the current EU-UK interrelationship in the fields of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and assesses the degree to which the UK is presently integrated into EU decision-making and implementation. It highlights that the UK needs to determine the degree to which it wants autonomy or even divergence from existing EU policies. The article concludes by rehearsing the costs and benefits of three possible future relationships between the UK and EU foreign, security and defence policy: integrated, associated or detached.

Conference Reports

2005 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-234
Author(s):  
Edin Mujagic ◽  
Dóra Győrffy ◽  
László Jankovics
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
European Association ◽  
Policy Research ◽  
Conference Report ◽  
Annual Conference ◽  
Summer Institute ◽  
The West ◽  
The Future ◽  
Economic Studies ◽  
The Eu

EMU Enlargement to the East and the West CEPR/ESI Conference. Report of the 8th annual conference of the Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) and the European Summer Institute (ESI) held in September 2004 in Budapest, Hungary. (Conference report by Edin Mujagic); Dilemmas around the future enlargement of the EU-EACES Conference. The European Association for Comparative Economic Studies (EACES) held its 8th biannual conference at the Faculty of Economics in Belgrade on September 23-25, 2004. (Conference report by Dóra Gyõrffy and László Jankovics)

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document