scholarly journals The geopolitical dimension of gas security in the European Union

Author(s):  
Remigiusz Rosicki

The objective scope of the analysis performed in the text encompasses the energy security in the European Union and its member states, and includes the perspective of geopolitical conditions. The geopolitical conditions should be understood as a variety of relations between geographical conditions and decision-making processes concerned with energy security. The main objective of the text is to present a selection of theoretical problems encountered in the study of energy security, as well as to link them with such issues as gas import dependence and the risk of gas supply disruptions, mainly from the Russian direction. In order to elaborate the objective scope of analysis, the following research questions are presented: (1) To what extent do geographical conditions determine decision-making processes in the energy policy pursued by the European Union?; and (2) To what extent do geographical conditions determine threats to the security of gas supplies to the European Union and its member states? The text is chiefly an overview, but the theoretical part loosely makes use of the premises of the research program concerned with the integration of knowledge as part of the studies of energy security and energy transitions, presented by E. Brutschina, A. Cherp, J. Jewell, B. K. Sovacool and V. Vinichenka. Additionally, knowledge contained in the literature on energy and gas security has been synthesized and enriched with a critical approach, and the author’s own assessments and conclusions.

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Narisong Huhe ◽  
Daniel Naurin ◽  
Robert Thomson

We assess the impact of the United Kingdom’s 2016 decision to leave the European Union on the Council of the European Union, where Brexit is likely to have the clearest observable implications. Using concepts and models from the spatial model of politics and network analysis, we formulate and test expectations regarding the effects of Brexit. We examine two of the most prominent datasets on recent decision-making in the European Union, which include data on cooperation networks among member states before and after the 2016 referendum. Our findings identify some of the political challenges that Brexit will bring, but also highlight the factors that are already helping the European Union’s remaining member states to adapt to Brexit.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 93-107
Author(s):  
Dominika Czapla

For many years, the future of energy has been one of the most important problems and challenges for both national and global policy making. It is related to the high responsibility of the energy sector for climate change on Earth, but also for caring about ensuring sufficient energy for the future generations. Thus, energy policy is an important pillar of maintaining, broadly understood as internal security of the country. The biggest challenge related to ensuring energy security of the European Union is the diversification of energy sources. Member States are trying to tackle this challenge in two ways. Firstly, through the development of renewable energy, and secondly, looking for new channels for the supply of non-renewable energy. The restructuring of the energy sector, which has taken place in recent years, in accordance with the guidelines of the European Union, aims to intensify the use of environmentally friendly renewable energy sources. Equally important is the construction of the Nord Stream 2 and Turk Steam gas pipelines, which has been ongoing for several years, which raises much controversy in the Member States. The article is an analysis of the opportunities and challenges facing the European Union related to ensuring stable energy supplies to European citizens.


Author(s):  
Joan Subirats ◽  
Ricard Gomà

The objective of this chapter is to trace and present the main characteristics of the public policy system in Spain, incorporating policy change over time, as well as the policy style that has characterized its different stages. The transition between Francoism and democracy generated significant continuities and discontinuities both in the decision-making processes and in the actors’ system. The full incorporation into the European Union also involved significant changes in content, processes and networks. Finally, the impacts of the 2007 crisis and the effects of globalization and technological change also generated significant disruptions that will also be incorporated. The chapter will distinguish the conceptual, substantive, and operational aspects of the public policy system in Spain, as well as the main elements of the multilevel government. This aspect is especially complex in the Spanish case, given the combination of Europeanization of policies and the very remarkable regional decentralization generated by 1980.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (4 (178)) ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Justyna Kijonka ◽  
Monika Żak

The scale and size of post-accession migration of Poles, especially to the British Isles, was surprising not only for the Polish side. The countries that opened their labour markets for the citizens of the new member states also failed to predict such a massive inflow of Polish nationals. Returning to the home country, however, does not get as much media attention as emigrating. This type of migration was not the subject of such heated discussions and analyses as emigration. The objective of the article is to sociologically describe the re-emigrants and answer questions concerning the motives for emigrating and returning, as well as how the emigration decision is assessed in retrospect. The paper is based on in-depth interviews conducted with individuals who had emigrated from Poland following the enlargement of the European Union and decided to return to their home country after a few years. Importantly, in order to detect readaptation problems, the respondents were selected from amongst those remigrants who had already been living in Poland for one to three years. The article shall present the results of these studies and the classifications of emigration, returns and remigrants.


Author(s):  
Ida Musiałkowska ◽  
Piotr Idczak

Purpose: The current pandemic crisis caused by Covid-19 significantly impacted the processes of European integration. The European Union decided to act within and beyond existing competences and instruments to support the efforts of its Member States, along with regional and local authorities, in the fight against Covid-19. Our study sheds light on the instruments and solutions proposed within the framework of the cohesion and budget policy to tackle the problems related to Covid-19 in Europe. The analysis focuses on two strands: 1) EU assistance offered through cohesion policy (CP) instruments toward above areas; 2) the future evolution of EU budget, and therefore integration shifts, provoked by the Covid-19 crisis. Design/methodology/approach: The study analyzes statistical data with regard to the use of instruments of the Cohesion Policy under the Covid-19 pandemic, but also the amendments introduced to legal acts and decision-making processes that refer to the multiannual financial framework (MFF) for 2021–2027. Findings: We notice a strong shift of priorities regarding environment transformation, digitalization, and health protection, reflected in the MFF. The coordinative role of European institutions and the redirection of different financial instruments to health care follows the neofunctionalist paradigm and represents a spillover effect resulting from integration. The crisis analyzed from the institutional perspective is seen as a chance to reform the decision-making process, while on the other hand, as a threat to the inclusive integration of all Member States. Originality and value: The paper is an original contribution on the overall use of both financial and legislative instruments in the times of unprecedented health and economic crisis caused by Covid-19 in the European Union. The text can be a valuable insight for both researchers and practitioners in the field of broadly understood European studies.


Author(s):  
Karl Magnus Johansson ◽  
Tapio Raunio

Media often portrays European Union (EU) decision-making as a battleground for national governments that defend the interests of their member states. Yet even the most powerful individuals, such as the German chancellor, the French president, or the Commission president, are party politicians. At the same time the consistent empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) means that the party groups of European-level “Europarties”—political parties at European level—are in a key position to shape EU legislation. The Parliament has also become more directly involved in the appointment of the Commission, with the results of EP elections thus influencing the composition of the Commission. Examining the “partyness” of European integration, this article argues that scholarly understanding of the role of parties in the EU political system has taken great strides forward since the turn of the millennium. This applies especially to the EP party groups, with research focusing particularly on voting patterns in the plenary. This body of work has become considerably more sophisticated and detailed over the years; it shows that the main EP groups do achieve even surprisingly high levels of cohesion and that the left–right dimension is the primary axis of contestation in the chamber. It nonetheless also emphasizes the continuing relevance of national parties that control candidate selection in EP elections. Considering that most votes in the Parliament are based on cooperation between the two largest groups, the center-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the center-left Party of the European Socialists (PES), future research should analyze in more detail how these groups build compromises. Actual Europarties, however, remain relatively unexplored. Case studies of treaty reforms or particular policy sectors reveal how individual Europarties have often wielded decisive influence on key integration decisions or key appointments to EU institutions. The Europarty meetings held in conjunction with European Council summits are particularly important in this respect. The regular, day-to-day activities of Europarties deserve more attention, both regarding decision-making and vertical links between national parties and their Europarties. Overall, it is probably more accurate to characterize Europarties as networks of like-minded national parties or as loose federations of member parties, especially when compared with the often centralized and strongly disciplined parties found in the member states.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002085232093675
Author(s):  
Gijs Jan Brandsma ◽  
Albert Meijer

Studies into decision-making suggest the existence of a tension between transparent and efficient decision-making. It is assumed that an increase in transparency leads to a decline in the efficiency of decision-making processes; however, this assumption has not been tested empirically. This study provides a starting point for investigating the complex relationship between transparency and efficiency on a set of 244 European Union legislative processes between 2014 and 2019. It finds that transparency neither speeds up nor slows down decision-making processes, and that the efficiency of the lawmaking process depends on political complexity. Our results call for further systematic research into the causes and consequences of decision-making transparency. Points for practitioners In decision-making processes, transparency is widely seen as both a blessing and a curse. On the one hand, it is seen as a virtue that fosters legitimacy and participation; on the other hand, it is said to reduce decisional efficiency. However, our study of 244 European Union legislative processes shows that transparency has no effect on their duration. This calls for a re-appreciation of the effects of transparency in decision-making processes.


2018 ◽  
pp. 96-115
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Szczerba-Zawada

The purpose of this article is to try to outline the essence of membership of the European Union. This international organization, by virtue of the decision of its creators, i.e. the Member States, has been equipped with attributes, which have determined its unique – supranational – character. As a new legal order, the European Union has been granted some scope of autonomy, but ontologically it is dependent on the Member States. It is the Member States that have taken decision on setting up a new integration structure with a center of decision-making located not only outside but also above them, the scope of its competences and instruments of their exercising, and as “masters of the Treaties”, may decide to dissolve it. The decision to join the European Union seems to be determined pragmatically and praxiologically – upon benefits of cooperation within the framework of the EU. In this perspective solidarity, understood as the unity and equality of the Member States, based on common values, becomes a factor legitimizing the EU, and at the same time – a guarantor of its existence, especially in times of crisis.


Res Publica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-141
Author(s):  
Jan Beyers ◽  
Bart Kerremans

The Belgian Presidency is generally seen as being a success. On many difficult questions, the Belgians succeeded in forging compromises between the member states. There is a risk however, that the apparent successes of this Presidency will lead to an over-estimation of the role which a EU-president can play. Therefore, it is important to pay attention to its limits and possibilities. It can help to relativize the Belgian presidency and to improve insights into the potential role of EU-presidents within the decision-making of the European Union.


Author(s):  
Geert De Baere

The present chapter considers the position of the European Union in other international organizations. It is based on the premise that the Union, while arguably also a federal or quasi-federal structure, is legally still itself an international organization. From the perspective of international law, that explains at least partly the complexities involved in an international organization such as the EU acquiring a status in—let alone membership of—another international organization. The term ‘status’ or ‘position’ is understood here as the influence the Union can exercise, either formally or informally, in decision-making processes in other international organizations. As an ever-increasing number of decisions having an impact on the Union’s policies originate in international organizations, its position in such fora matters.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document