scholarly journals The political system of the European Union and the politological and political determinants of the activity of the EU Council and the European Council

2019 ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Czachór

If the relationship between the EU Council and the European Council in the context of the horizontal division of power is based on a system of checks and balances, the emphasis must be on balance rather than on the separation of authorities/entities exercising power. For this reason, the powers and authority of the states and of the European Union are to some extent mixed up in this relational formula, and they overlap. At the same time, each entity has decision-making powers creating a mechanism of political influence. The powers of the EU Council and the European Council are separated in terms of institutions (structures and personnel) but not of functions, because their powers are interrelated. The competition for power here results in its being shared, which is based on the ‘joint exercising’ of power and thus the joint performance of certain systemic functions, tasks and roles. The powers of one authority should not be performed directly or completely by any of the remaining authorities, and none of the authorities should gain a definite advantage over the others. This should be the message for both the presidency of the EU Council and for the President of the European Council.

2016 ◽  
pp. 54-66
Author(s):  
Monika Poboży

The article poses a question about the existence of the rule of separation of powers in the EU institutional system, as it is suggested by the wording of the treaties. The analysis led to the conclusion, that in the EU institutional system there are three separated functions (powers) assigned to different institutions. The Council and the European Parliament are legislative powers, the Commission and the European Council create a “divided executive”. The Court of Justice is a judicial power. The above mentioned institutions gained strong position within their main functions (legislative, executive, judicial), but the proper mechanisms of checks and balances have not been developed, especially in the relations between legislative and executive power. These powers do not limit one another in the EU system. In the EU there are therefore three separated but arbitrary powers – because they do not limit and balance one another, and are not fully controlled by the member states.


Author(s):  
Petr YAKOVLEV

The decision on Britain’s secession from the European Union, taken by the British Parliament and agreed by London and Brussels, divided the Union history into “before” and “after”. Not only will the remaining member states have to “digest” the political, commercial, economic and mental consequences of parting with one of the largest partners. They will also have to create a substantially new algorithm for the functioning of United Europe. On this path, the EU is confronted with many geopolitical and geo-economic challenges, which should be answered by the new leaders of the European Commission, European Council, and European Parliament.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1349-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Manow ◽  
Holger Döring

Voters who participate in elections to the European Parliament (EP) apparently use these elections to punish their domestic governing parties. Many students of the EU therefore claim that the party—political composition of the Parliament should systematically differ from that of the EU Council. This study shows that opposed majorities between council and parliament may have other than simply electoral causes. The logic of domestic government formation works against the representation of more extreme and EU-skeptic parties in the Council, whereas voters in EP elections vote more often for these parties. The different locations of Council and Parliament are therefore caused by two effects: a mechanical effect—relevant for the composition of the Council—when national votes are translated into office and an electoral effect in European elections. The article discusses the implications of this finding for our understanding of the political system of the EU and of its democratic legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Andrii Martynov

The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influence of the European Union Political system the Results of May 2019 European Parliament Election. The EU supranational legislature plays an important role as a producer of legal norms in the process of European integration and parliamentary scrutiny of the activities of the EU executive. The European Parliament, as a representative institution of the European Union, helps to overcome the stereotypical notions of a “Brussels bureaucracy” that limits the sovereignty of EU member states. The European Parliament is a political field of interaction between European optimists and European skeptics. The new composition of the European Parliament presents political forces focused on a different vision of the strategy and tactics of the European integration process. European federalists in the “European People’s Party” and “European Socialists and Democrats” consider the strategic prospect of creating a confederate “United States of Europe”. The Brexit withdrawal from the EU could help the federalists win over European skeptics. Critics of the supranational project of European integration do not have a majority in the new composition of the European Parliament. But they are widely represented in many national parliaments of EU Member States. The conflicting interaction between European liberals and far-right populists is the political backdrop for much debate in the European Parliament. The result of this process is the medium term development vector of the European Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-277
Author(s):  
Nicola Pensiero

This article proposes a decision model of the British support for leaving the European Union (EU) that includes both identity aspirations, attitudes towards the political system and economic interest and test it on the Understanding Society 6th, 7th and 8th surveys. Current studies tend to interpret the British Euroscepticism as a combination of attachment to British identity, lack of economic opportunities and dissatisfaction with the political class. Using this approach where factors are additive, it is not possible to account for the substantial portion of socio-economically advantaged individuals which prefer to leave the EU, and for those who, despite their low attachment to their British identity, the relatively high educational level and satisfaction with domestic democracy, prefer to leave the EU. I use a theoretical approach which considers both economic and cultural considerations as rational considerations and conceptualise their interaction in terms of trade off. I use classification tree analysis to evaluate the relative importance of the main explanatory factors and of their interaction. The results show that the negative evaluation of the political system makes certain groups, which otherwise tend to support European integration, lean towards Euroscepticism. It helps to explain the Euroscepticism of those who are less attached to their British identity and of advantaged classes. The results have also showed that anti-establishment attitudes are not associated with disadvantaged socio-economic groups. The dissatisfaction with domestic democracy is relevant mostly for the advantaged classes, and the lack of political efficacy affects equally the attitudes of advantaged and disadvantaged groups. Last, disadvantaged groups’ support for European integration is driven by identity aspirations not by economic interest.


2019 ◽  
pp. 11-13
Author(s):  
Tetiana SHELCHUK

In this article we analyze the causes and effects of the problem of democratic deficit in the European Union (EU). In this article the author determined the essence of problem «democracy deficit» and also it was explored in the activity and functioning of the EU institutions. Issues of pan-European identity were also investigated and the consequences of its absence were analyzed, which is a separate component of the problem under study. The author also analyzes some ways of solving the problem of «democracy deficit» in the EU. Also, the author investigated attitude to this problem that was described in different sources. We determined the attitude of the citizens of the EU to this union. The author made conclusion about that the EU has the problem of «democracy deficit», but we can’t say that the EU is undemocratic union. We also agree that the EU has made some good steps on the way of solving this important problem, but it isn’t enough. The author supports the idea of making some information company for informing the citizens about activities and functioning of the EU. We think that the EU should make a decision about a single electoral system. The author supports the conception of deliberative democracy that means attraction citizens of the EU to the process of discussion and making the decisions. And the author says that the issue of democracy deficit has two main aspects: at first, the problems of the functioning of the political system of the European Union; secondly, the lack of pan-European identity, the problem of bringing the EU closer to citizens and their disinterest in Union policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
Janusz Ruszkowski

The political system of the European Union is unique and difficult to define. This presents significant problems to researchers attempting to clarify this phenomenon by means of conventional research methods. Thus, it seems necessary to start the search with other tools that will allow the exploration of the nature of this phenomenon. Such an unconventional instrument is the fuzzy set method which has been used in logics, geometry and mathematics and which accumulates both a qualitative and a quantitative approach. When applied in the studies on the multi-level political system of the EU, it reveals phenomena that could not be seen when using conventional methods. One of the most important effects of this method exists in the fuzzy levels of the EU political system situated among the traditional (crisp) levels (regional, national and supranational).


Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

This chapter discusses the four major European Union institutions: the European Parliament, the European Council, the European Commission, and the European Court. The provisions dealing with the EU institutions are split between the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Directly elected by the European citizens, the Parliament constitutes not only the most democratic institution; it is also the most supranational institution of the EU. Ultimately, each of the EU institutions is characterized by its distinct composition and its decision-making mode. Importantly, the EU is not based on a strict separation of functions between its institutions but follows a ‘checks and balances’ version of the separation-of-powers principle. This means that various EU institutions share in the exercise of various governmental functions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (11-12) ◽  
pp. 148-156
Author(s):  
Oleksiy PLOTNIKOV ◽  
◽  
Olena BORZENKO ◽  
Tamara PANFILOVA ◽  
◽  
...  

Transformation processes of the fiscal sphere of the EU concerning the development of fiscal institutions in the context of the system-forming component of both integration and disintegration processes are considered. The EU fiscal institutions play an important role in shaping the core, not only from the economic side, but also from the political one. It is thanks to the fiscal institutions that the materialization of the political influence on the EU member states and the feedback is carried out. The transformational processes of the fiscal sphere are related to: expenditure policies (volume optimization and streamlining of the structure and increase of the efficiency of spending public resources), income generation (adjusting the taxation system, increasing the efficiency of administering tax payments, reducing the shadow economy, improving the conditions of lending to the real sector, improving the state support of small and medium business) and financing the public administration sector (reducing the deficit of the state social funds, limiting the volume and forming the optimal structure of government borrowing), etc. The essence of the main functions of the EU fiscal institutions (generating, distributing and controlling) as the core-forming elements of its architecture in the constructive and destructive directions of development is determined. The current state of development of transformational processes in the European Union in two main directions – constructive and destructive – is described. The constructive direction implies further enlargement of the European Union with the use of appropriate procedures. Destructive direction involves the exit of countries from the European Union and the restoration of all attributes of a country that is not part of these or other associations. It is formulated that fiscal institutions in the destructive direction of development will play a suppressive role. Moreover, the higher level of integration was achieved by this country, the more restrictive the role of fiscal institutions will be in the case of destructive processes. For Ukraine, the emphasis on fiscal institutions in their respective capacities may be useful for further deepening of cooperation with the European Union and adjusting already implemented steps.


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