scholarly journals Selling Insecurity via Twitter: Ukrainian President’s Posts and Modern Political Discourse

2020 ◽  
pp. 317-331
Author(s):  
Nataliia Steblyna

In modern political discourse, the topics of foreign aggression and insecurity are strongly influencing voter perceptions. In the unpredictable and polarizing environment of Twitter, references to crisis events may be used without justification. The character of tweeting during the peak phase of a crisis may differ, and it is possible to identify such differences analyzingthe tweets. To compare the pre-election period with the period of foreign aggression, and to study the manner of tweeting of a political leader, the Twitter account of the fifth Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko was observed between November 2018 (Azov crisis) and July 2019 (early presidential election). A total of 2,519 tweets were content-analyzed (the character of references to Russian aggression, newsbreaks, intensity, language justification were studied). Tweeting during the Azov crisis was an everyday activity with a large number of tweets over a long period. Pre-election tweeting included commenting on specially created events (commemorations, celebrations) with a large number of mentions for short periods of time and constant online presence with a small number of tweets posted even without a special occasion. Approximately one out of three tweets was written without reference to any newsbreak. Among the most popular newsbreaks, traditional subjects dominated (meetings, signings of laws etc.). Thus, the term “aggression” was mainly exploited during specially created events after the crisis. Additionally, the stylistic features (authentic language, amateurism, unpredictability, breaking rules, incivility and impoliteness) that are widespread across social networks arenot typical of Poroshenko. A “polarization” of the political discourse, however, emerges. It is possible to observe it especially before the second round of elections, when the polls were predicting victory to Poroshenko’s opponent.

Author(s):  
Nataliia Diachuk

The article highlights the understanding of speech intentions hidden in the political discourse. In order to interact with the audience naturally and smoothly it is essential for a political leader to operate with the intentions of utterances sufficiently. This paper proposes a psycholinguistic method of speech intention understanding based on President Donald Trump’s inauguration speech. The method of a political text study is known as intent-analysis is regarded to be one of the most effective in analyzing political leader’s intentions, ideas and ambitions. The technique uses a political discourse with intention tags to regard the intention of separate paragraphs, sentences or even separate lexical units. The intent-analysis of the research went through several stages from choosing the decisive blocks from the text to analyzing the most influential concepts that made the ideas of the blocks and finished with singling out the key speech intentions and drawing conclusions. A political inaugural speech analysis has shown that the most beneficial intention lying in Donald Trump’s inaugural speech aims at establishing good relations with bordering countries and the whole world by making his own country and American citizens the most prosperous amongst other nations. The general mood of the political text under discussion is fully optimistic that is found out via semantically positive units.


Author(s):  
Natalia Myronova

The article considers the phenomenon of the linguistic personality of a political leader. Attention is paid to the prospects of a comprehensive approach to the study of linguistic personality of a politician in political discourse, which, as a kind of persuasive discourse, is widespread, and which significantly affects the social consciousness, which exerts linguistic influence on the addressee through manipulative power to make cognitive alterations to the world view. The special author’s contribution to development of the investigated question consists in an attempt to, first of all, classify works on the mentioned problem, basing on the object of the research; secondly, to form such a theoretical basis that will allow me to study the linguistic personality of a particular politician as a variant and as a specific elements combination of different levels of this type of linguistic personality, i.e. as a complex consisting of cognitive, verbal, pragmatic systems of a particular politician; thirdly, to prove that a politician acts as a cognitive-linguistic subject of his own and institutional discourse, where "I – individual" and "I – social" are correlated with "politician – a unique linguistic personality" and "politician – a representative of a particular social institution". This determines the particularities of the linguistic behavior of the politician, enshrined in the texts created by him/her; the choice of language strategies and tactics, which depends on both: specific communicative situation and personality type of the political leader, his beliefs and stands on a particular matter. The application of the cognitive model of political discourse, which includes the characteristics of a political figure as a linguistic personality and the characteristics of speaker’s cognitive-linguistic strategies, allowed to approach some aspects of the linguistic personality manifestation in political discourse. The research of a set of abilities and characteristics which influence political leader’s creation and perception of linguistic works, that differ by the degree of complexity, depth and accuracy of reality reflection, a certain target orientation and the research of perception and generation of speech processes, considered in their interrelation, allowed me to characterize the political leader as a linguistic personality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Dima Kortukov

Abstract The concept of sovereign democracy dominated the political discourse in Russia in 2006–8 but lost much of its significance since. In this article, I argue that sovereign democracy is best understood as the response of Russia’s authorities to the threats of democratization, following Eurasian color revolutions. I distinguish between three conceptually distinct aspects of sovereign democracy: (1) a social contract (2) a legitimation discourse; and (3) a counter-revolutionary praxis. These dimensions allow us to understand what functions sovereign democracy fulfilled within the framework of Russia’s authoritarian regime and why it lost its prominence over time.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adib Rifqi Setiawan

The Critical Discourse Analysis is often applied to analyze political discourse including the political speech. This article analyzes Grace Natalie Louisa’s Speech, mainly in Festival 11 by Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI), that is exclusively based on the perspective of Teun Adrianus van Dijk. It reveals that we can learn how to deliver our ideology to public. Moreover, we can have a better understanding of the political purpose of these speeches.


2019 ◽  
pp. 32-38

The article introduces the creative work of the famous American playwright Sam Shepard, whose works are almost unknown to our Uzbek reader. His plays are well known throughout the world; they influenced the formation of the worldview of readers of different nations and show the peculiarities of American culture. Despite the worldwide fame of Sam Shepard’s works, they are not studied well by literary critics. In America and Europe his works have been studied in details for a long period, and even several monographs in English have been written. However, neither in the Russian speaking, nor in the domestic literary criticism there is yet no major work on Shepard's works. The article also deals with the artistic features of the political myth of the “American dream” in one of the most scandalous plays, “The God of Hell,” dedicated to the protest against the war in Iraq. Thus, this study, which touches upon some issues of Shepard's creative work in connection with his innovative artistic originality, to a certain extent, seeks to fill this gap.


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