scholarly journals Peasant Oaths, Furious Icons and the Quest for Agency: Tracing Subaltern Politics in Tsarist Georgia on the Eve of the 1905 Revolution. Part I: The Prose of the Intelligentsia and Its Peasant Symptoms

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luka Nakhutsrishvili
Keyword(s):  
Social Democrat ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Peasant Politics ◽  
Historical Agency ◽  
The Relationship

This two-part transdisciplinary article elaborates on the autobiographical account of the Georgian Social-Democrat Grigol Uratadze regarding the oath pledged by protesting peasants from Guria in 1902. The oath inaugurated their mobilization in Tsarist Georgia in 1902, culminating in full peasant self-rule in the “Gurian Republic” by 1905. The study aims at a historical-anthropological assessment of the asymmetries in the alliance formed by peasants and the revolutionary intelligentsia in the wake of the oath as well as the tensions that crystallized around the oath between the peasants and Tsarist officials. In trying to recover the traces of peasant politics in relation to multiple hegemonic forces in a modernizing imperial borderland, the article invites the reader to reconsider the existing assumptions about historical agency, linguistic conditions of subjectivity, and the relationship between politics and the material and customary dimensions of religion. The ultimate aim is to set the foundations for a future subaltern reading of the practices specific to the peasant politics in the later “Gurian Republic”. The first part of the article starts with a reading of Uratadze’s narration of the 1902 inaugural oath “against the grain”.

scholarly journals Peasant Oaths, Furious Icons and the Quest for Agency: Tracing Subaltern Politics in Tsarist Georgia on the Eve of the 1905 Revolution. Part II: Agents and Items of (Counter)Insurgent Political Theology on the Imperial Borderland

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-72
Author(s):  
Luka Nakhutsrishvili
Keyword(s):  
Political Theology ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Peasant Politics ◽  
Historical Agency ◽  
The Relationship

This two-part transdisciplinary article elaborates on the autobiographical account of the Georgian Social-Democrat Grigol Uratadze regarding the oath pledged by protesting peasants from Guria in 1902. The oath inaugurated their mobilization in Tsarist Georgia in 1902, culminating in full peasant self-rule in the “Gurian Republic” by 1905. The study aims at a historical-anthropological assessment of the asymmetries in the alliance formed by peasants and the revolutionary intelligentsia in the wake of the oath as well as the tensions that crystallized around the oath between the peasants and Tsarist officials. In trying to recover the traces of peasant politics in relation to multiple hegemonic forces in a modernizing imperial borderland, the article invites the reader to reconsider the existing assumptions about historical agency, linguistic conditions of subjectivity, and the relationship between politics and the material and customary dimensions of religion. The ultimate aim is to set the foundations for a future subaltern reading of the practices specific to the peasant politics in the later “Gurian Republic”. The second part of the article delves into Uratadze’s account of the aftermath of the inaugural oath and the conflicts it triggered between peasants, intelligentsia and the Tsarist administration.

Conclusion—Rousseau’s paradox

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of Political Thought ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
Adequate Understanding ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter binds the book together, recapitulating its general argument, and offering pointers as to how the study relates to some contemporary questions of political theory. It suggests that a classification that distinguishes between Weber the ‘liberal’, Schmitt the ‘conservative’ and Neumann the ‘social democrat’, cannot provide an adequate understanding of this episode in the history of political thought. Nor indeed can it do so for other periods. In this book, one part of the development of their ideas has focused on the relationship between state and politics. By learning from their examples, people continue their own search for an acceptable balance between the freedom of the individual and the claims of the political community.

scholarly journals Decentralization and Corruption: Does Decentralization Lead to Corruption in Local Level in Nepal?

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Dipesh Kumar Ghimire
Keyword(s):  
Fiscal Decentralization ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The People ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Corrupt Behavior ◽  
The Relationship

Federalism has been constitutionally uniting separate political communities in a limited by encompassing political community (Kincaid and Tarr 2005). Federalism as a mode of governance is concerned with combining 'self-rule and shared rule' (Elazar, 1987), where by the constituent members of the federal union can govern themselves autonomously while they and their citizen also participate together in the common national governing regime, which is autonomous within its sphere of constitutional authority (Kincaid, 2011). Federalism is the extreme form of decentralization. Similarly, corruption is defined as exercise of official powers against public interest or the abuse of public office for private gain. Corruption is a symptom of degeneration of the relationship between the state and the people, characterized by bribery, extortion and nepotism (Altas, 1968). Similarly, Sen (1999) defines corruption or corrupt behavior as "the violation of established rules for personal gains and profits". This article tries to explore the relationship among federalism, decentralization and corruption. My finding is: constitutional, political and spatial decentralization is very strong and fiscal decentralization is very weak in Nepal. Fiscal decentralization plays vital role to improve quality of governance. However, lack of proper fiscal decentralization and highly constitutional, political and spatial federalism or decentralization promote corruption in the local level. Similarly the monitoring mechanism and vertical controls system are very weak in Nepal. It shows that the localization process motivate to corrupt behavior among public authorities.

scholarly journals Territorial cleavage or institutional break-up? Party integration and ideological cohesiveness among Spanish elites

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 236-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra León
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Break Up ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Internal Variation

The literature that explores the relationship between decentralisation and the structure of the party system has barely explored an important dimension of party integration, namely the degree of ideological cohesiveness among parliamentary elites. This paper purports to fill the literature gap by analysing heterogeneity in attitudes towards devolution among representatives from Spanish state-wide parties (the People’s Party (PP) and the Socialist Party (PSOE)). Drawing from a sample of 460 parliamentary elites, results show that within-party variation in preferences towards regional self-rule are accounted by the territorial cleavage (historical regions vs ordinary ones) as well as by an institutional cleavage, defined by the type of assembly – regional or national – in which representatives are elected. However, parties’ political and organisational trajectories moderate the impact of those cleavages: territory prevails in accounting for internal variation within the PSOE, whereas the institutional cleavage is more important to explain internal cohesiveness among PP’s party elites.

scholarly journals THREE LIVES OF NIKOLAY AGAFONOV: TRANSFORMATION OF IDENTITY IN THE AGE OF WAR AND REVOLUTION

2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-117
Author(s):  
Alexander I. Kazankov ◽  
◽  
Oleg L. Lejbovich ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Life Story ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Transformation Process ◽  
Collective Farm ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Farm System ◽  
The Relationship

The article reconstructs N. P. Agafonov’s life story. It aims at determining the relationship between the individual and the social in a person’s biographical trajectory, analyzing ego-transformation process in a specific historical context. The research methodology involves the use of autobiographical narrative, formed in the process of investigative actions, carried out by the organs of OGPU–NKVD in 1929 and 1937. N. P. Agafonov’s fate is of special interest for historians because during a third of a century he changed his identity three times: at the beginning of the century N. P. Agafonov realized himself as a social democrat, an active participant of the revolutionary underground in St. Petersburg and Perm in 1905–1907. After its defeat, he chose a musical and dramatic career. During the Civil War, he got a haircut as a monk. In the pre-Soviet era, Agafonov behaves like a conformist, whose inner evolution is congenial to the changes taking place in the social circle of democratic youth. The turbulent nature of the events of the Civil War does not allow him to make an artistically reasonable and socially conditioned choice. During the Soviet regime he denounced the collective farm system as a hieromonk, called on parishioners to be strong in faith and expressed hope for the return of the good old times, for which he was subjected to repression by the punitive authorities.

Justice, or On Statesmanship

2020 ◽  
pp. 116-147
Author(s):  
Ryan Patrick Hanley
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Moral Virtue ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Control ◽  
Political Function ◽  
Good Government ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 4 examines Fenelon’s ideas on statesmanship. Focusing on his views on the relationship of moral virtue to political virtue, it emphasizes his core teaching that good governance of others begins with good government of the self. Yet the self-rule and self-control that Fénelon asks of political leaders is distinct from the renunciation and “annihilation” of the self central to his spirituality of pure love. Good rulers, he argues, need to cultivate both mastery of pernicious pleasures and openness to true pleasures, as each disposition has a crucial political function. To show this, the chapter begins with Fénelon’s distinction between true pleasure and false pleasure, and then shows how this distinction shapes his lessons on how a ruler ought to be disposed toward ministers and counselors. The chapter concludes by examining Fénelon’s understanding of the practical political institutions most necessary for justice in the state.

Lenin

2019 ◽  
pp. 79-109
Author(s):  
Jay Bergman
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Proletarian Revolution ◽  
Ultimate Objective ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Rosa Luxemburg ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

Chapter 4 focuses on the politics surrounding the emergence in 1903 of the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks as discrete factions in the newly established Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party (RSDLP). It pays special attention to Lenin’s ability to finesse attacks—from Trotsky, Rosa Luxemburg, and Plekhanov, among others—that explicitly analogised him to Robespierre, and, more generally, the Bolsheviks to the Jacobins. In response, Lenin turned an ostensible defect into a virtue, proclaiming in 1904 that ‘a Jacobin is a revolutionary Social Democrat’. But because Robespierre and the Jacobins remained for Russian Marxists mere ‘bourgeois’ revolutionaries, their utility was always limited. By the end of the chapter, the reader should be aware of the ambivalence with which the Bolsheviks viewed not only the Jacobin phase of the French Revolution, but also the relationship between the revolution as a whole and the proletarian revolution in Russia that was their ultimate objective.

Revisiting the Relationship Between Federal Design and Economic Growth

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-155
Author(s):  
Matthew J Uttermark
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Regional Authority ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time

Abstract Federal design matters—but how? Federalism research has addressed the longstanding question whether federalism is linked with economic growth, but with differing results. In this study, I address the possible linkage using measures from the empirically rich Regional Authority Index. Examining federalism over time across approximately seventy nations, I evaluate the conceptually distinct expectations of self-rule and shared-rule federalism on several measures of economic development. The results fail to find an association between either self-rule or shared-rule and economic development, supporting the argument that the linkage is weak or even nonexistent.

scholarly journals The Palestinian economy under occupation: Econocide

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Atif Kubursi ◽  
Fadle Naqib
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Cumulative Effects ◽  
Structure And Dynamics ◽  
Palestinian Economy ◽  
Economic Infrastructure ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Durable Peace ◽  
The Way

The article presents an analysis of the nature, structure, and dynamics of the relation between the Israeli and Palestinian economies as they have evolved during the occupation period and the few short years of limited Palestinian self-rule. It reveals the various asymmetries and anomalies in the relation, the way they have affected the course of the Palestinian economy, the costs that have been incurred by Palestinians, and the benefits that have accrued to Israelis from their continuation. It is argued that the removal of these anomalies and asymmetries are a prerequisite for any serious and genuine peace that would permit the economic infrastructure to promote and support a stable and durable peace. Divided into four sections, the article provides the theoretical framework within which the relationship between the two economies is analyzed; documents and examines specific practices and policies of successive Israeli governments with regard to the Palestinian economy; summarizes the cumulative effects of these specific restrictive practices; and closes with the presentation of some conclusions.

The Populist Challenge to Constitutional Citizenship: The Closing of Discursive Space

2020 ◽  
pp. 181-222
Author(s):  
Jo Shaw
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
Discursive Space ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The People ◽  
Sense Of Identity ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter explores the relationship between constitutional citizenship and the rise of populism within political discourse and political practices in many countries. Is this leading to the erosion of modern citizenship as an ideal of equality and self-rule, or can we see an effective triangulation of the tensions between the rule of law and the rule of people, which in fact contributes to the ideals and effectiveness of both citizenship and democracy? The discussion focuses on how populist politics close down the discursive space within which constitutional citizenship can function, leading to outcomes which tend to be exclusionary towards outsiders. The chapter notes that many populist politicians make extensive use of constitutional amendment processes to reinforce their sense of identity with the people.

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