scholarly journals Liberalizm a szanse pokoju na świecie. Refleksje Karla Jaspersa

2018 ◽  
pp. 95-100
Author(s):  
Anna Citkowska-Kimla
Keyword(s):  
Max Weber ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Technical Developments ◽  
The Face ◽  
German Philosopher ◽  
Individual Existence ◽  
The One ◽  
Existential Dimension

The paper touches on the topic of optimism, allowing for a thesis of the peaceful coexistence of states to be proposed. This type of thinking was represented by the German philosopher and psychiatrist Karl Jaspers. Jaspers took the view that philosophy brings about political consequences that need to be observed and examined. He was influenced by Max Weber, from whom he adopted the idea of the salvation of Western heritage, embodied in the spirit of liberalism, freedom and diversity of private life. According to Jaspers, Germans should abandon their desire for military supremacy in favor of the dissemination of such universal ideas as freedom. In the interwar period Jaspers wrote a book about the spiritual situation of his times where he touched on the issue of the outcomes of technological progress for the existential dimension of man, who enjoys freedom on the one hand, and is responsible for himself on the other. He concluded by saying that in the face of such technical developments warfare poses a threat to biological survival and to freedom, since it destroys human self-responsibility. Jaspers noticed the problem of an individual being threatened by alienated social institutions, and as a consequence he proposed the thesis of the depersonalization of individual existence. The totalitarian system Jaspers had experienced encouraged him to revise the theoretical aspects and to develop a competitive, libertarian solution. Jaspers strongly emphasized individualism and the responsibility of individuals whose present influences the future. Jaspers’ ideas may be deemed to be remote from realism, since liberalism is a golden mean, neither preventing international wars nor appeasing political national arenas.

Per una comprensione non ideologica della laicitŕ

2009 ◽  
pp. 71-95
Author(s):  
Ferrari Maria Aparecida
Keyword(s):  
Human Person ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
The People ◽  
Civil Sphere ◽  
Politics And Religion ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The One

- The aim of this essay is to argue a new thesis about the conception of the rightful autonomy of the political or civil sphere from that of religion and the Church. On the one hand, the relations between politics and religion are decided following the principle of autonomy, understood as a theoretical and practical affirmation of the autonomy of both spheres; autonomy supported by reciprocal collaboration in the service of the person. The secular State is a State of reason, grounded on rights and duties and on relations that do not oppose to religion, recognised as one of the multiple reality that constitute the public sphere. On the other hand, it is important to discern two different propositions of autonomy in the modern context. The first is marked with a hostile openness towards religion and a second, which is attentive to dialogue with it. The reason for this dichotomy has been caused by misunderstanding democratic reality, which are possible to solve with a double discernment: in what sense are all the people the foundation of political sovereignty? And which is the democratic value of ethic pluralism? Popular sovereignty becomes real when there is an effective respect of the inviolable nature of a several goods of the human person, beyond the different interests of the State or of the majority. Pluralism, when it is severed from the ethic of indifference and it is not relegated to private life, is another barrier in the face of the ambition of the State.Keywords: laicality, laicism, democracy, sovereignty, pluralism

Prisoners of Peace

2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Samir Kumar Das
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Jammu And Kashmir ◽  
Difficult Decision ◽  
Army Officer ◽  
The Face ◽  
Prolonged Fast ◽  
The One

As Irom Sharmila Chanu breaks her sixteen-yearlong fast on August 9, 2016, struggle for peace in India’s Northeast seems to have turned a full circle. On the one hand, her battle against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958—the law that empowers even a noncommissioned army officer to open fire on a civilian and in the process kill her with impunity, that is to say, without ever being tried in a court of law—by all accounts made her the “iron lady” and “the Face of Manipur” to the world. On the other hand, notwithstanding her indefinite fast—widely believed to be emblematic of the “collective moral outrage” against the Act—persistent appeals made by a host of national and international human rights groups, eminent public intellectuals, and the recommendation of the respective Committees in favor of repealing it, the Act remains very much in force in parts of Jammu and Kashmir and in the Northeast even after fifty-eight years of its enactment, resulting in the death of hundreds of civilians. This article seeks to explain the implications of this paradox for peace politics in the region. Why does Sharmila have to take the otherwise painful and albeit difficult decision of breaking her fast even when there is little sign of repealing the Act? Insofar as she takes the difficult decision of breaking her fast, she realizes that her prolonged fast becomes subjected to a variety of technologies of governance: first, by calling for the complete sacrifice of her private life, second by turning her fast into a public spectacle rendering it both “unsuccessful” and necessary—significantly both at the same time—and finally by inculcating in her and in many of us the intense desire of pursuing peace through the established political institutions, particularly electoral institutions.

scholarly journals Pedagogia Sistêmica: uma Nova Abordagem no Processo de Ensino Aprendizagem

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-313
Author(s):  
Cleonice Terezinha Fernandes ◽  
Carla Cristina El-Hage Serafim
Keyword(s):  
Holistic Education ◽  
Pedagogical Practice ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
School Activities ◽  
Therapeutic Procedures ◽  
The Face ◽  
German Philosopher ◽  
The One ◽  
Teaching Learning ◽  
Systemic Practices

Resumo O século XXI expressa um grande desafio: a educação escolar que não tem conseguido atender a demanda exigida pelas atuais mudanças sociais. A Pedagogia Sistêmica vem ao encontro deste dilema de encontro ao , e não como uma nova metodologia, mas como uma postura do professor: quem ensina é também sujeito que aprende; surgiu enquanto adaptação para a escola, a partir dos trabalhos do filósofo e psicanalista alemão Bert Hellinger, que aborda a visão sistêmica-fenomenológica e os campos morfogenéticos em procedimentos terapêuticos breves. O objetivo deste estudo é compreender a experiência de professores de Cuiabá\MT, que colocaram em prática exercícios sistêmicos, a partir de suas próprias narrativas. A metodologia utilizada foi a história oral, estruturada a partir da leitura de artigos e livros de outros professores nacionais e internacionais, que também utilizaram a Pedagogia Sistêmica nos fazeres pedagógicos, realizando uma triangulação com autores consagrados da Educação mundial. Como resultado se traz um percurso histórico da Pedagogia Sistêmica no Brasil e no Mundo; exemplos de atividades escolares com os quais foi possível sentir a importância de revisão de hábitos e posturas frente aos problemas, em sala de aula, quando se coloca a culpa dos baixos resultados somente nos alunos e suas famílias e se esquece de preconceitos e fragilidades pessoais e docentes. A conclusão é de que há ganhos efetivos do professor, durante o processo da auto permissão do olhar sistêmico, em sala de aula, haja vista que esse profissional estará olhando também para suas questões afetivas\emocionais. Palavras-chave: Educação Holística. Práticas Sistêmicas. Ensino-Aprendizagem. Abstract The 21st century expresses a great challenge: school education that has not been able to meet the demand required by current social changes. Systemic Pedagogy is consistent with this dilemma, and not as a new methodology, but as a teacher's posture: the one who teaches is also a subject who learns; it arose as an adaptation to the school from the works of German philosopher and psychoanalyst Bert Hellinger, who approaches the systemic-phenomenological vision and morphogenetic fields in brief therapeutic procedures. The objective of this study is to understand the experience of teachers from Cuiabá\MT, who put in practice systemic exercises, based on their own narratives. The methodology used was oral history, structured from reading articles and books from other national and international teachers, who also used the Systemic Pedagogy in the pedagogical practice, performing a triangulation with consecrated World Education authors. As a result, there is a historical course of systemic Pedagogy in Brazil and in the world; examples of school activities with which it is possible to feel the importance of reviewing habits and postures in the face of problems, in the classroom, when the blame for the low results is placed only on students and their families and forget personal prejudices and weaknesses and the teachers. The conclusion is that there are effective gains from the teacher, during the self-permission of the systemic perspective process, in the classroom, since this professional will also be looking at his or her emotional\affective issues. Keywords: Holistic Education. Systemic Practices. Teaching-learning.  

Óscar Romero and the Politics of Sainthood

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez ◽  
Anna L. Peterson
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil War ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
The Other ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Holy See ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Face ◽  
Crisis Of Modernity ◽  
The One

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization

The Hierophanic Facets of the Seraphic Hymns

Trictrac ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petru Adrian Danciu
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Material World ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The People ◽  
Musical History ◽  
The Face ◽  
The One

Starting from the cry of the seraphim in Isaiahʹ s prophecy, this article aims to follow the rhythm of the sacred harmony, transcending the symbols of the angelic world and of the divine names, to get to the face to face meeting between man and God, just as the seraphim, reflecting their existence, stand face to face. The finality of the sacred harmony is that, during the search for God inside the human being, He reveals Himself, which is the reason for the affirmation of “I Am that I Am.” Through its hypnotic cyclicality, the profane temporality has its own musicality. Its purpose is to incubate the unsuspected potencies of the beings “caught” in the material world. Due to the fact that it belongs to the aeonic time, the divine music will exceed in harmony the mechanical musicality of profane time, dilating and temporarily cancelling it. Isaiah is witness to such revelation offering access to the heavenly concert. He is witness to divine harmonies produced by two divine singers, whose musical history is presented in our article. The seraphim accompanied the chosen people after their exodus from Egypt. The cultic use of the trumpet is related to the characteristics and behaviour of the seraphim. The seraphic music does not belong to the Creator, but its lyrics speak about the presence of the Creator in two realities, a spiritual and a material one. Only the transcendence of the divine names that are sung/cried affirms a unique reality: God. The chant-cry is a divine invocation with a double aim. On the one hand, the angels and the people affirm God’s presence and call His name and, on the other, the Creator affirms His presence through the angels or in man, the one who is His image and His likeness. The divine music does not only create, it is also a means of communion, implementing the relation of man to God and, thus, God’s connection with man. It is a relation in which both filiation and paternity disappear inside the harmony of the mutual recognition produced by music, a reality much older than Adam’s language.

Challenging Gender Hierarchies in Narratives of the Nation: Representations of Women in Zintgraff and the Battle of Mankon and Hard Choice

Imbizo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Epongse Nkealah ◽  
Olutoba Gboyega Oluwasuji
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
Gender Differentiation ◽  
Hard Choice ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Gender Hierarchies ◽  
The Face ◽  
The One ◽  
Representations Of Women ◽  
Do So

Ideas of nationalisms as masculine projects dominate literary texts by African male writers. The texts mirror the ways in which gender differentiation sanctions nationalist discourses and in turn how nationalist discourses reinforce gender hierarchies. This article draws on theoretical insights from the work of Anne McClintock and Elleke Boehmer to analyse two plays: Zintgraff and the Battle of Mankon by Bole Butake and Gilbert Doho and Hard Choice by Sunnie Ododo. The article argues that women are represented in these two plays as having an ambiguous relationship to nationalism. On the one hand, women are seen actively changing the face of politics in their societies, but on the other hand, the means by which they do so reduces them to stereotypes of their gender.

TINDAK PENGANCAMAN DAN PENYELAMATAN WAJAH ANIES BASWEDAN DAN BASUKI “AHOK” TJAHAJA PURNAMA

Jurnal KATA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 356
Author(s):  
Saiko Rudi Kasenda
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Large Range ◽  
Politeness Theory ◽  
Crucial Point ◽  
Passive Voice ◽  
Positive Image ◽  
The Face ◽  
Face Saving ◽  
The One

<p><em>This article is aimed to investigate face threathening acts and face saving acts demonstrated by Anies Baswedan dan Basuki Tjahaja Purnama as the candidates of DKI Jakarta governor during the debate held in April 2017. Face threatening act and face saving act are analyzed because they are able to show not only their positive image but also the negatve one in front of not only to each candidate but also to the audience watching the debate. Politeness theory from Brown and Levinson (1987.) are employed to analyze both candidates’ face threatening acts and saving acts since this theory provides detailed descriptions of a large range of strategies that can be used to deeply understand both face threatening acts and face saving act performed by the candidates. The context surrounding the debate becomes a crucial point to analyze how politeness strategy is applied to show face thratening act and face saving act. Through qualitative method, this study found that 1) Bald on-record is the strategy used by the candidates to show face threatening and they are intended to show contradictions, to disagree, to insult, to interrupt, to speak out-of-topic, to challenge, and to exaggerate. 2) Both candidates use positive and negative strategies to show face saving act intended to show contradictions, to assert common ground, to show agreement, to joke, to apologize, and to avoid disagreement. 3) The face threatening act and saving acts can be considered as the efforts to defend their argumentations and to preserve their positive faces, 4.) The use of the word “kita” and passive voice can be seen as markers in both candidates’ utterances to minimize the imposed face threatening act and to signal solidarity to each candidate and to audience, 5) While Anies is revealed to be the one who more frequently uses face threatening act, Basuki is the candidate who uses face saving act more often during the debate. The study is expected to enrich the study in the field of pragmatics focusing on the use of politeness strategy. </em></p><p> </p><p>Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menginvestigasi tindak pengancaman muka wajah dan tindak penyelamatan wajah yang ditunjukkan oleh Anies Baswedan dan Basuki Tjahaja Purnama pada Debat Pilkada gubernur provinsi DKI Jakarta 2017.<strong> </strong>Tindak pengancaman wajah dan penyelamatan wajah diteliti pada makalah ini karena dapat merepresentasikan citra positif maupun citra negatif kandidat pilkada Gubernur DKI tidak hanya dihadapan masing-masing kandidat tetapi juga kepada masyarakat umum yang menyaksikan. Teori kesantunan dari Brown dan Levinson digunakan untuk menganalisis tindak pengancaman muka dan tindak penyelamatan muka kedua kandidat karena teori ini memiliki penjelasan yang komprehensif tentang berbagai strategi yang dapat dipergunakan untuk memahami secara mendalam bagaimana tindak pengancaman dan penyelamatan wajah ditunjukkan oleh kedua kandidiat. Konteks topik debat yang diangkat dipahami untuk dapat menganalisis tindak pengancaman dan penyelamatan wajah oleh Anies dan Basuki.  Melalui metode kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa 1) Bald on-record adalah strategi yang sering digunakan untuk menunjukkan tindak pengancaman muka dan ditujukan untuk menyatakan kontradiksi, menyatakan ketidaksetujuan, menyinggung, menginterupsi, berbicara di luar topik pembicaraan, menantang kandidat lain, dan memberikan pernyataan yang berlebihan. 2) Tindak penyelamatan muka dilakukan dengan strategi kesantunan positif dan negatif seperti menyatakan kontradiksi, menegaskan common ground, memberikan persetujuan, membuat lelucon, meminta maaf, dan menghindari ketidaksetujuan. 3) Tindak pengancaman muka dan penyelamatan muka dapat dianggap sebagai cara untuk mempertahankan argumentasi kedua kandidat dan untuk melindungi wajah positif masing-masing.4) Penggunaan kata “kita” dan kalimat pasif dimaksudkan untuk meminmalisiri ancaman sekaligus sebagai sinya solidaritas.5) Anies ditunjukkan sebagai kandidat yang lebih sering menggunakan tindak pengancaman muka, sedangkan Basuki adalah kandidat yang lebih sering menunjukkan penyelamatan muka selama debat berlangsung. Studi ini diharapkan dapat memperkaya pemahaman di bidang pragmatik khususnya tentang penggunaan strategi kesantunan</p>

scholarly journals Are asylum seekers more likely to work with more inclusive labor market access regulations?

2019 ◽  
Vol 155 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Slotwinski ◽  
Alois Stutzer ◽  
Roman Uhlig
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Market Access ◽  
Initial Period ◽  
Early Integration ◽  
Labor Market Policies ◽  
The Face ◽  
Labor Market Access ◽  
The One

Abstract In the face of recent refugee migration, early integration of asylum seekers into the labor market has been proposed as an important mechanism for easing their economic and social lot in the short as well as in the long term. However, little is known about the policies that foster or hamper their participation in the labor market, in particular during the important initial period of their stay in the host country. In order to evaluate whether inclusive labor market policies increase the labor market participation of asylum seekers, we exploit the variation in asylum policies in Swiss cantons to which asylum seekers are as good as randomly allocated. During our study period from 2011 to 2014, the employment rate among asylum seekers varied between 0 and 30.2% across cantons. Our results indicate that labor market access regulations are responsible for a substantial proportion of these differences, in which an inclusive regime increases participation by 11 percentage points. The marginal effects are larger for asylum seekers who speak a language that is linguistically close to the one in their host canton. Summary Inclusive labor market access regulations substantially increase the employment chances of asylum seekers, in particular if the language distance is short.

scholarly journals Hiketeia

1973 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 74-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gould
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Dead Body ◽  
Greek Literature ◽  
The World ◽  
The One ◽  
Working Out

To Professor E. R. Dodds, through his edition of Euripides'Bacchaeand again inThe Greeks and the Irrational, we owe an awareness of new possibilities in our understanding of Greek literature and of the world that produced it. No small part of that awareness was due to Professor Dodds' masterly and tactful use of comparative ethnographic material to throw light on the relation between literature and social institutions in ancient Greece. It is in the hope that something of my own debt to him may be conveyed that this paper is offered here, equally in gratitude, admiration and affection.The working out of the anger of Achilles in theIliadbegins with a great scene of divine supplication in which Thetis prevails upon Zeus to change the course of things before Troy in order to restore honour to Achilles; it ends with another, human act in which Priam supplicates Achilles to abandon his vengeful treatment of the dead body of Hector and restore it for a ransom. The first half of theOdysseyhinges about another supplication scene of crucial significance, Odysseus' supplication of Arete and Alkinoos on Scherie. Aeschylus and Euripides both wrote plays called simplySuppliants, and two cases of a breach of the rights of suppliants, the cases of the coup of Kylon and that of Pausanias, the one dating from the mid-sixth century, the other from around 470 B.C. or soon after, played a dominant role in the diplomatic propaganda of the Spartans and Athenians on the eve of the Peloponnesian War.

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