scholarly journals Proces prywatyzacji Stoczni Szczecińskiej Nowa Sp. z o.o. w latach 2004–2009

2018 ◽  
pp. 243-256
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kamola-Cieślik

Between 2004 and 2009, Stocznia Szczecińska Nowa Sp. z o.o. (SSN) was one of the largest state-owned Polish companies in the shipyard sector. The privatization of the shipyard was a pivotal element of the economic plans put forward by the Governments of Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jarosław Kaczyński and Donald Tusk. However, this postulate was not implemented by their respective Cabinets. The difficulties in privatizing the shipyard were due to a change in the policy towards the shipbuilding industry, delays in preparing economic plans which followed from the fact that the European Commission (EC) did not accept the restructuring plans made by the companies interested in taking over the property and the assets of the shipyard, and also because the authorities responsible for finding investors were incompetent in doing so. Marek Belka’s government plan to consolidate the shipbuilding industry, aimed at selling all the property and assets of SSN within the framework of the Corporation of Polish Shipyards, was rejected by the government of Marcinkiewicz. The guidelines for privatizing the shipbuilding industry promised by the Marcinkiewicz government were never formulated or defined for the sector. The program was later accepted by the Kaczyñski Government, which despite earlier promises failed to privatize the shipyard. Donald Tusk’s Cabinet was not able to live up to the challenges connected with the shipyard industry crisis. Negotiations between the Polish Government and Amber Sp. z o.o. over the privatization plan for the shipyard failed. The shipyard’s restructuring plan produced by Mostostal Chojnice SA was not accepted by the EC. The Tusk government failed to find an investor in the public tenders announced for the property and assets of the shipyard – a Qatar company withdrew its initial proposal to buy the shipyard and there were no other investors willing to take it over. This was the main reason for the ensuing bankruptcy of the Szczecin shipyard.

1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Rose

Among the arguments for rapid economic reform in transitions to the market in Central and Eastern Europe, scholars have argued that rapid reformers could better take advantage of the period of ‘extraordinary politics’ at the beginning of the transition. Regime transitions provide a unique opportunity for politicians to implement economic reform since the public is more likely to grant the government room to reform. If the public is more likely to give politicians this window of opportunity, politicians should implement far-reaching reforms during that period. I test two propositions in this paper: (1) politicians in office during a period of liberalization will get high positive ratings at the polls which will gradually deplete over time; and (2) at the beginning of the transition, views of the current economic situation will not predict views of politics. I find that approval of the Polish government was unusually high in the first one and one-half to two years of the Polish transition. In the same period, assessments of the current economic situation only weakly affected assessments of politics. After the period of extraordinary politics comes to an end, the relationship between political and economic assessments is much stronger. Thus, in a country with a harsh economic reform program and six contentious national elections within eight years, there is strong evidence that politicians benefited from a period of extraordinary politics at the beginning of the regime.


Subject European Commission concerns about the rule of law in Poland. Significance The Commission has sent a formal Opinion to the Polish government, activating the first stage in the EU's 'Rule of Law Framework'. It expresses concerns about respect for the rule of law in Poland (a fundamental founding value of the EU), and in particular about the Polish government's handling of the crisis over the Constitutional Tribunal (TK, for Trybunał Konstytucyjny) Impacts Poland's EU position is likely to suffer as a result of the dispute, making it more difficult for it to achieve other political goals. Polish politics will remain unsettled and polarised, with the opposition using the Commission's Opinion to challenge the government. Legal uncertainty may translate into lower investment by individuals and enterprises dampening economic growth in the medium-to-long term.


Author(s):  
Oksana Zvozdetska

The article gives an in-depth analysis of the modern Poland government policy in taking on public media and the European Union stance regarding these reforms. The author argues that Poland public media have been the subject of political disputes since the 90s of the last century. Noteworthy, in October 2015 the newly elected Polish government, namely, the ruling Law and Justice party (known by its Polish initials as PiS) announced its public media to radically reform. To be more precise, the government aimed at replacing the current public media with a national broadcaster that would promote national interests under closer government control. According to PiS elite, Polish public media is presently supervised by the National Media Council, an organization that consists of members elected by the president and the Lower House of the Polish parliament. This means that Poland’s public media is under direct control of the government. The reform of the public media has been part of PiS plans to re-orientate Polish society towards traditional values since the party came back to power. What is more, the heads of the ruling Law and Justice party consider that the present-day public media are the tools of propaganda of the ruling in 2007-2015 and currently the oppositional liberal party – the Civic Platform. The researcher notes that the Polish government launched a new parliamentary initiative as a result of legislative changes, and eventually, the government has returned to the state-known media-dependent government-owned model in the past. Furthermore, from the point of view of a democratic state, law and its main provisions, this reform stipulates the authorities and the mass media symbiosis. However, public media should guarantee freedom of speech, information and creative independence and the separation of public media from politics. Remarkably, in a country, where public media used to be a tool of the communist dictatorship until 1989, media and constitutional reforms pose threats to civil liberties. According to NGO ‘Freedom House’ research, freedom of the press suffers from oppression by the authorities, the government’s intolerance to independent or unbiased journalism, political influence on the media and restrictions on freedom of expression regarding Polish history and consciousness. Interestingly according to the latest studies done in 2017, Poland public media have become partially free for the first time since 1990. To conclude, in December 20, 2017 the European Parliament adopted the resolution, backing the European Commission decision, to initiate the sanctions imposition on Poland over judicial reform. Consequently, the European Commission triggered a procedure against undermining and shrinking of democracy, violation of human rights, freedom of speech, as well as pluralism and the formation of a dependent judicial system in Poland. Keywords: Republic of Poland, public media, freedom of the press, EU sanctions


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-99
Author(s):  
Palina Prysmakova

The question of utility of open data and related civil society initiatives depends on whom we consider a beneficiary in each particular case. The article provides a recent example of a civil society initiative that addressed the openness of procurement practices across the nations of European Union and its neighboring partners. Analyzing the project against Open Government Working Group's principles of open data, the article demonstrates that it indeed improved some levels of procurement data openness. Meanwhile, despite some utility of the project for the European Commission, the analysis suggests rather low utility for the public at large. The article suggests that, (1) utility has multiple levels, and some data in an open source is better than none; (2) data has to be understandable to have any utility for final consumers; and otherwise, the only utility achieved is the legitimization of the current governmental practices instead of their improvement


Liquidity ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Iwan Subandi ◽  
Fathurrahman Djamil

Health is the basic right for everybody, therefore every citizen is entitled to get the health care. In enforcing the regulation for Jaringan Kesehatan Nasional (National Health Supports), it is heavily influenced by the foreign interests. Economically, this program does not reduce the people’s burdens, on the contrary, it will increase them. This means the health supports in which should place the government as the guarantor of the public health, but the people themselves that should pay for the health care. In the realization of the health support the are elements against the Syariah principles. Indonesian Muslim Religious Leaders (MUI) only say that the BPJS Kesehatan (Sosial Support Institution for Health) does not conform with the syariah. The society is asked to register and continue the participation in the program of Social Supports Institution for Health. The best solution is to enforce the mechanism which is in accordance with the syariah principles. The establishment of BPJS based on syariah has to be carried out in cooperation from the elements of Social Supports Institution (BPJS), Indonesian Muslim Religious (MUI), Financial Institution Authorities, National Social Supports Council, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Finance. Accordingly, the Social Supports Institution for Helath (BPJS Kesehatan) based on syariah principles could be obtained and could became the solution of the polemics in the society.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Papontee Teeraphan

Pollution is currently a significant issue arising awareness throughout the world. In Thailand, pollution can often be seen in any part of the country. Air pollution is pointed as an urgent problem. This pollution has not damaged only to human health and lives, it has destroyed environment, and possibly leading to violence. In Phattalung, air pollution is affecting to the residents’ lives. Especially, when the residents who are mostly agriculturists have not managed the waste resulted from the farm. In Phattalung, at the moment, there are many pig farms, big and small. Some of them are only for consuming for a family, some, however, are being consumed for the business which pigs will be later purchased by big business companies. Therefore, concerning pollution, the researcher and the fund giver were keen to focus on the points of the air pollution of the small pig farms. This is because it has been said that those farms have not been aware on the pollution issue caused by the farms. Farm odor is very interesting which can probably lead to following problems. The researcher also hopes that this research can be used as a source of information by the government offices in order to be made even as a policy or a proper legal measurement. As the results, the study shows that, first, more than half of the samples had smelled the farm odor located nearby their communities, though it had not caused many offenses. Second, the majority had decided not to act or response in order to solve the odor problem, but some of them had informed the officers. The proper solutions in reducing offenses caused by pig farm odor were negotiation and mediation. Last, the majority does not perceive about the process under the Public Health Act B.E. 2535.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gagah Yaumiyya Riyoprakoso ◽  
AM Hasan Ali ◽  
Fitriyani Zein

This study is based on the legal responsibility of the assessment of public appraisal reports they make in land procurement activities for development in the public interest. Public assessment is obliged to always be accountable for their assessment. The type of research found in this thesis is a type of normative legal research with the right-hand of the statue approach and case approach. Normative legal research is a study that provides systematic explanation of rules governing a certain legal category, analyzing the relationship between regulations explaining areas of difficulty and possibly predicting future development. . After conducting research, researchers found that one of the causes that made the dispute was a lack of communication conducted between the Government and the landlord. In deliberation which should be the place where the parties find the meeting point between the parties on the magnitude of the damages that will be given, in the field is often used only for the delivery of the assessment of the compensation that has been done.


Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.


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