scholarly journals Perspektywy i wyzwania demokracji na przykładzie liberalnego nurtu islamu

2018 ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jędrzejczyk-Kuliniak

The religious and cultural system of Islam is not a monolith, although it cannot be claimed that there are many Islams. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the trend of religious fundamentalism has predominated in public opinion. However, this is only one of many forms of Islam. Its other extreme is the liberal one. These two religious interpretations are rather hostile towards one another, which finds reflection in the values each preaches. The movement of Islamic revival is connected with liberal thinking and it goes beyond the Arab countries. It can also be observed in Europe and the Muslim countries in Asia. Each movement is specific and tries to face up to different social and political issues. Given the deficit of democracy and the existence of authoritarian governments in the Middle East, the revival movement of the Arab world provides the best opportunity to scrutinize the challenges and development opportunities for democracy. This tendency is becoming an increasingly significant political force in the Middle East. Its representatives are also referred to as Muslim centrists, democrats or liberal Muslim reformers. They base their visions of political development on the social doctrine of Islam, stemming from the nahda movement, and from the ‘re-opening of the ijtihad’. The paper presents the values of liberal Islam, including the Muslim concept of democracy, social justice, sovereignty, freedom and the equality of women. The purpose of the paper is also to outline the main challenges related to the liberalization of Islam.

2021 ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Vasily A. Kuznetsov

On April 23, 2021, an outstanding Russian Arabist, Doctor of History, Principal Fellow of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences Bagrat Garegionovich Seyranyan celebrated his 90th birthday. His works on the recent history of Egypt and Yemen and the general problems of the socio-political development of the Arab countries in the 20th century have long become classic. Many of them were translated into Arabic and received well-deserved recognition abroad, and such books as “Egypt in the Struggle for Independence, 1945–1952” (Moscow, 1970) and “Evolution of the Social Structure of the Countries of the Arab East. Land Aristocracy in the 19th Century – the 60s of the 20th Century” (Moscow, 1991) entered the golden fund of world academy. The contribution of Bagrat Seyranyan to the training of new generations of orientalists is colossal. Under his leadership there were prepared more than 40 Ph.D. theses, he participated in authoring of numerous textbooks and teaching materials on the history of the Arab world. In this paper friends, colleagues and students address the hero of the day with words of recognition and gratitude.


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 274-285
Author(s):  
A.Sh. Abhari ◽  

Antagonism with Western civilization in the course of colonial expansion and the subsequent struggle for independence, had a significant impact on the formation of the political elite of the Arab world. At the level of mass public consciousness and perception of historical reality, a transformation of worldview occurs with the active influence of Islam and its spiritual leaders. how the suppression of communist, socialist and other left-wing and reformist political movements in the region after the Second World War influenced and continue to influence the economic and political development of the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Mitri Raheb

Abstract Peace between Israel and the Arab world appears to be progressing like never before. It started with the UAE, followed by Bahrain and Morocco, and then with Sudan. A “new” Middle East is finally becoming a reality. Yet, on the other hand, the colonization of Palestinian land is progressing at full speed ever since President Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and moved the American Embassy there. During both the Embassy move and the so-called Abraham Accords with Arab countries and throughout the Trump era, biblical language has been employed. This paper will examine these political developments and biblical connotations. At the heart of the issue lies the question of what constitutes real peace. This paper argues that ‘the deal of the century’ was a form of Pax Romana rather than Pax Christi.


Author(s):  
Ahmed El Gody

Information communication technologies (ICT) have become an effective force for accelerating political, economic, and social development, decreasing poverty, and fostering trade and knowledge; however the uneven distribution, usage, and implementation of ICT resulted in what is known as the “digital divide” between those who have access to and utilization of information resources and those who do not (Internet.com, 2004). The Middle East, with the exception of Israel, is the least ICT connected area worldwide with only 1.4% of the global share (less than half of the world average of 5.2%). ICT adoption and access in the Arab world are far from adequate; only 6% of the Arab world population uses the Internet, while the penetration rate of personal computers is 2.4%, and less than 4 % of the Arab population has access to a ground telephone line (Ajeeb, 2006; NUA, 2005). The trend of globalization forced Arab countries to realize the power of ICT as one of the most important factors in achieving sustainable growth. During the past decade, genuine efforts have been implemented by Arab governments to utilize ICT; as of May 2005, every country in the Arab world (as seen in Table 1)—except Iraq and Libya—has a clear strategy or at least a plan for promoting ICT (Dutta & Coury, 2003). In her book, Technology Strategies for Putting Arab Countries on the Cyber Map, Reem Hunaidi (2002) stated that despite Arab world efforts to utilize ICT, Arabs are still far from bridging the digital divide. Hunaidi stated that the Arab world is still scoring low on the Digital Access Index (as seen in Table 2), adding that bridging the digital divide requires commitment from all development stakeholders, not only Arab governments. The Hunaidi study concluded that development should start within the Arab society through liberating Arab human capabilities, especially those of women questioning how a society can compete in an increasingly globalized world if half of its people remain marginalized (Hunaidi, 2002). The UNDP 2004 report on human development in the Arab world added to Hunaidi’s question stating that the first step in human ICT development is to bridge the gender divide within the Arab world and make use of the latent 50% of the Arab population. The Arab world has the lowest Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) worldwide next to Sub-Saharan Africa. Nancy Hafkin and Nancy Tagger (2001), in their study “Gender, Information Technology, and Developing Countries”, stated that the degree of gender bias can be vividly seen across the Arab region. Figures indicate that Arab users constitute 4% of Internet users in comparison to 22% of users in Asia, 25% in Europe, 38% in Latin America, and 50% in the United States. Hafkin and Tagger (2001) concluded that several challenges of socio-cultural, political, economic, and education disparities need to be addressed towards advancing Arab women’s active participation in the new networked information society.


1995 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Holes

The purpose of this paper is to explain how changes in the social structure of the countries of the Arabic-speaking Middle East are being reflected in new patterns of dialect use. The last 30 years have seen an enormously increased interest in Arabic as a living mode of everyday communication, reflected in many dialectological, typological and sociolinguistic studies. As a result, we now have a much clearer overall picture of the dialect geography of the eastern Arab world, and the beginnings of an understanding of the dynamics of language change. Inevitably, the focus of many studies has been geographically specific, so that the area-wide nexus between social change and linguistic change has not always been seen in a sufficiently broad context. By examining three case studies documented in the literature, I aim to point up similarities in the dynamics of change which are often obscured by distracting local particularities.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 172-175
Author(s):  
Zeinab Ibrahim

Education In The Arab Gulf States And The Arab World: An AnnotatedBibliography is divided into six parts. Each part contains between one toten chapters according to the topic. In the preface, the author mentions thatshe includes all references found in US libraries and the Libraryof Congress and does not include references from Arab countries. Shealso mentions that she was "selective" in her choices of what to includeand what not. For example, literature from the social sciences thatcontained a lot of stereotyping and biased information about Islam, Arabsand Arab society in general was excluded. Unpublished works alsowere not included. The author then describes her method of listing thebibliography: when there was literature available on the Arab world ingeneral, she included that, and then she would list the seven Gulf States inalphabetical order. If there were no references for a country, then thecountry is not mentioned and she jumps to the next country in that order.Part One contains only one chapter, which is the introduction. ElSannbarypresents an historical overview of the Gulf States, which is herfocus: Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UnitedArab Emirates. A map of the region is presented on page four. She surveysthe history and the present conditions of the seven states economically,politically and educationally. The rest of the chapter includes a one-pagesummary on all the topics, which are mainly the chapters that follow.Part Two comes under the heading "General Background andResources", and consists of three chapters. Chapter Two, "Context ofEducation", contains 165 entries. It starts with the Arab World (entry 1-52)followed by Bahrain (52-60), Iraq (61-76), Kuwait (77-95), Oman (96-102), Qatar (103-108), Saudi Arabia (109-154), and the United ArabEmirates, (155-165). This is the system followed throughout the wholebook. When there is no literature available on a country, it is notmentioned. Chapter Three, "Bibliographies and References", starts withgeneral references (166- 215), and then is followed by Iraq (216), Kuwait(217), Oman (218-2190, Qatar (220-223), United Arab Emirates (224)and finally educational references (225-259). Chapter Four, "Religion andEducation," lists 120 entries (260-380) ...


1970 ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Diane Singerman ◽  
Barbara Ibrahim

It is common knowledge that it takes many years to accumulate the sums of money needed for marriage in Egypt, as well as in many other countries in the Arab world. Getting married has become a protracted campaign for young people and their families right across the social spectrum. This economic challenge has unexplored implications for national economies. And in Arab countries with huge and growing cohorts of young people, the expectations of the young have important political repercussions, as leaders and states are expected to meet the needs of their youthful populations.


Author(s):  
Tareq Mohammed Dhannoon Al Taie

The retreat of Iraq after US occupation, the decline of the Arab states after Arab political changes, and the chaos in which following the change after 2011, led to the emergence of a strategic vacuum and absence of a unified response, thus forming an incentive for Iran and Turkey to activate their strategic performance in the Middle East. As an expression of the accumulation of the historical aspects of both powers, as well as the growing abilities, each state try to  increasing of its role, but the central question, where the signs of symmetry and asymmetry?, and why?.        Turkey and Iran are  a regional players in the Middle East. The strategic thinking of the two countries is based on ideology and interest. However, the interest occupies the most important place in the strategic performance, especially in addressing the political issues of Middle East. The symmetry and asymmetry are regarded the basic pillars of the Turkish and Iranian strategic thinking. The research attempts to prove that the interest occupies a more important position than ideology in Turkey and Iran, especially after the political change in the Arab world by clarifying all the characteristics of Iran and Turkey strategic thinking and conduct compares among them.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Aksa Aksa

Transnational Islamic movement is a terminology that belongs in the new academic study. The term has become a ' nomenclature ' is generally understood as an ideology that crosses state boundaries (nation state). The emergence of transnational Islamic movement's lively lately is part of an Islamic revival and renewal of an era that grew in the Middle East since the 18th century.  The post-war collapse of the Caliphate based in Ottoman Turkey in 1924, the movement has found the right momentum by forming new forces in conducting resistance against colonialism and imperialism of the West. Presence of transnational Islamic movement in Indonesia is part of the revivalism Islamic movement in the Middle East that directly make effect against the pattern of Islam in Indonesia. Transmission lines the ideas of this movement through the social movements, education and publications


2008 ◽  
pp. 3260-3273
Author(s):  
Ahmed El Gody

Information communication technologies (ICT) have become an effective force for accelerating political, economic, and social development, decreasing poverty, and fostering trade and knowledge; however the uneven distribution, usage, and implementation of ICT resulted in what is known as the “digital divide” between those who have access to and utilization of information resources and those who do not (Internet.com, 2004). The Middle East, with the exception of Israel, is the least ICT connected area worldwide with only 1.4% of the global share (less than half of the world average of 5.2%). ICT adoption and access in the Arab world are far from adequate; only 6% of the Arab world population uses the Internet, while the penetration rate of personal computers is 2.4%, and less than 4 % of the Arab population has access to a ground telephone line (Ajeeb, 2006; NUA, 2005). The trend of globalization forced Arab countries to realize the power of ICT as one of the most important factors in achieving sustainable growth. During the past decade, genuine efforts have been implemented by Arab governments to utilize ICT; as of May 2005, every country in the Arab world (as seen in Table 1)—except Iraq and Libya—has a clear strategy or at least a plan for promoting ICT (Dutta & Coury, 2003). In her book, Technology Strategies for Putting Arab Countries on the Cyber Map, Reem Hunaidi (2002) stated that despite Arab world efforts to utilize ICT, Arabs are still far from bridging the digital divide. Hunaidi stated that the Arab world is still scoring low on the Digital Access Index (as seen in Table 2), adding that bridging the digital divide requires commitment from all development stakeholders, not only Arab governments. The Hunaidi study concluded that development should start within the Arab society through liberating Arab human capabilities, especially those of women questioning how a society can compete in an increasingly globalized world if half of its people remain marginalized (Hunaidi, 2002). The UNDP 2004 report on human development in the Arab world added to Hunaidi’s question stating that the first step in human ICT development is to bridge the gender divide within the Arab world and make use of the latent 50% of the Arab population. The Arab world has the lowest Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) worldwide next to Sub-Saharan Africa. Nancy Hafkin and Nancy Tagger (2001), in their study “Gender, Information Technology, and Developing Countries”, stated that the degree of gender bias can be vividly seen across the Arab region. Figures indicate that Arab users constitute 4% of Internet users in comparison to 22% of users in Asia, 25% in Europe, 38% in Latin America, and 50% in the United States. Hafkin and Tagger (2001) concluded that several challenges of socio-cultural, political, economic, and education disparities need to be addressed towards advancing Arab women’s active participation in the new networked information society.


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