scholarly journals SOUTH KOREA CULTURAL HISTORY BETWEEN 1960S AND 2012

Author(s):  
Mi Sook PARK

This paper examines the development of South Korean cultural policy from the 1970s to the present. It contextualises South Korean state, culture and its cultural policy within the framework of state developmentalism, so as to understand their dynamics and relationships. A detailed analysis of how the national cultural policy is interpreted and implemented through institutional practices, historically and in its contemporary context shall be made.

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 737-758 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Maman

This paper examines the emergence of business groups in Israel and South Korea. The paper questions how, in very different institutional contexts, similar economic organizations emerged. In contrast to the political, cultural and market perspectives, the comparative institutional analysis adopted in this research suggests that one factor alone could not explain the emergence of business groups. In Israel and South Korea, business groups emerged during the 1960s and 1970s, and there are common factors underlying their formation: state-society relations, the roles and beliefs of the elites, and the relative absence of multinational corporations in the economy. To a large extent, the chaebol are the result of an intended creation of the South Korean state, whereas the Israeli business groups are the outcome of state policies in the economic realm. In both countries, the state elite held a developmental ideology, did not rely on market forces for economic development, and had a desire for greater economic and military self-sufficiency. In addition, both states were recipients of large grants and loans from other countries, which made them less dependent on direct foreign investments. As a result, the emerging groups were protected from the intense competition of multinational corporations.


Author(s):  
Ji-Yeon O. Jo

I trace how conceptions of citizenship have transformed in post-1990 South Korea, focusing on the major formations of and shifts in Korean citizenship, as well as on the evolution of nationality laws concerning diaspora Koreans. I also examine legacy migrants’ perspectives on citizenship and legal belonging. The process of citizen-making, which unfolds through the dynamics between an “enterprising” South Korean state and the “entrepreneurial” strategies incorporated by the legacy migrants in this study, largely rests on the interplay between emotionally charged ethnic nationalism and economic mobility driven by neoliberal global capitalism, both of which in turn have rearticulated and reconfigured the borders of South Korean citizenship and belonging. As a result, various forms of conditional and contingent citizenship—statuses that are neither fully admitted by the state nor fully committed to by returnees—have been produced.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Soyon Kim

This article examines the effects of global capitalism and state coordination on the financial behaviour of <em>chaebol</em> (business conglomerates) in South Korea. This study focuses on the evolution from controller to coordinator in the post-developmental South Korean state. In recent times, the Korean government has been studied as the exemplar of the Asian newly industrializing economies (NIEs) based on its ability to <em>control</em> economic development. As civil society pressures outgrew government control in the 1990s, the government’s mission shifted from control to <em>coordination </em>– the state sought to accommodate newly emerging or enlarged bargaining domains of key political-economic actors. However, the emergent post-developmental state is buffeted by the growing strength of the private sector, domestically and transnationally. While civil society strived to mobilize mass movements to further social democracy, the neoliberal evolution of capitalist class interests generated institutional configurations favouring the hegemony of finance capital.


English Today ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 54-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Shinhee Lee

ABSTRACTAn analysis of African American English in South Korean hip hop. English is rarely used in face-to-face terms in South Korea, but the use of English in commerce and entertainment is not such a rarity. The presence of English expressions in advertising and pop lyrics is no longer considered extraordinary. Lee (2006) reports that 83.75% of 720 South Korean TV commercials use some type of English, and only 16.25% of advertisements rely exclusively on Korean. Pop music is another discourse space in which English is fairly frequently used, occurring in more than 50% of pop song titles. A detailed analysis of the frequency of English in South Korean pop music (SK-pop) is reproduced.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Ganang Wira Pradana

ABSTRACTThe THAAD crisis between South Korea and China occurred due to the installation of the THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) system by South Korea with the help of the United States which was considered as a threat to China's national security. China strongly opposed the installation of the defense system and imposed unofficial sanctions in a form of a boycott in the field of South Korean tourism, products, and pop culture, which provided significant losses due to China's retaliation. After the South Korean state visit to China which was held in Beijing, China’s boycott was later lifted, but the THAAD installed in South Korea remain stayed and deployed. Thus the question arises about why China chose to soften and not force the South Koreans to withdraw THAAD. This article uses the qualitative research method of literature studies and uses variables of foreign policy theory by Yuen Foon Khong as the theoretical framework in this paper. Therefore, it can be seen that China's softening of the THAAD issue is caused by the influence of China’s "peripheral diplomacy" foreign policy and the shifting of Chinese behavior so that China does not impose its will on the South Korean THAAD system to maintain good relations with South Korea as a peripheral country. Keywords: China, China’s Behavior, Foreign Policy, South Korea, THAAD


English Today ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Eun-Young Jang ◽  
Eun-Yong Kim

Mee-Soo was a good student in North Korea. She came to South Korea in her early teens, and South Korean state policy for North Korean defectors enabled her to gain entry into a decent university in Seoul. She majored in Business Management and, when she had to choose her sub-major, she chose Accounting over Marketing and Human Resources because she thought she could avoid English. Achieving CPA (Certified Public Accountant) status was the goal for Accounting majors. Passing a score of 700 in the Test of English for International Communication (TOEIC) was a requirement to take the CPA exam. Mee-Soo worked hard studying for TOEIC and took the test ten times. Her score rose from the 400s to the 600s, but she could not pass the 700 threshold and was left behind while other South Korean students passed the English requirement. She could not even begin to study for the CPA exam itself. She once sighed and told me (one of the authors), ‘I wish I could have a life without English.’ I responded, ‘I didn't think English would be so important to North Koreans in South Korea.’ To this, Mee-Soo exclaimed, ‘It is a matter of survival.’ Given there have now been over 70 years of separation between North and South Korea since the Korean War, it is unquestionable that North Korean migrants face and struggle with a variety of troubles in their attempts to settle into South Korean society. In this context, why does English constitute a ‘matter of survival’ for North Koreans when there are so many other critical issues for these individuals, who crossed several borders at the risk of their lives? This phenomena, that ‘English’ represents a major difficulty for North Korean defectors in their process of settling in South Korea (Jung & Lim, 2009), constitutes an interesting linguistic phenomena in an intra-ethnic contact. However, by itself, this statement somewhat simplifies how English actually affects the migrant group. Instead, its influence works in a surprisingly diverse number of ways across different ranges and layers within the North Korean population, depending on their regional and social background, age, time of migration, and possibly many other factors. A meaningful pattern we discuss here is the changing relations between English and North Korean migrants according to age; it is the North Korean young adults who seem to be particularly affected by English and disproportionately in need of English teaching. We also note, though, that this pattern itself is changing, as we are seeing the recent increase of children of North Korean migrants born and educated in South Korea or in China.


Author(s):  
Dominik Aziewicz

State-owned enterprises supervision system in South Korea and Singapore, within the context of the debate about reforming state-owned enterprises supervision system in Poland State-owned enterprises are a part of most modern economies. Therefore, it is substantial to elaborate which model of supervision system is the most suitable for the challenges of each country. Since the 2015 there is an ongoing debate in Poland, about the shape of a stateowned enterprises supervision system. It was considered to establish a national holding company, which would perform the ownership function for Polish state-owned enterprises. An inspiration for this idea was the South Korean state-owned supervision system and the impact of the chaebols on the Korean national economy. The aim of this article it to examine Korean solutions, and to present the state-owned supervision system which function in Singapore, because in many ways it seems to be a more adequate inspiration for the needs of Polish decision-makers.


Author(s):  
Seokwoo Lee ◽  
Hee Eun Lee

This chapter evaluates international law in South Korea. The tumultuous experiences of the Korean nation in the twentieth century, within the context of international relations in Northeast Asia, has had a significant impact on South Korea’s attitude towards and practice of public international law. Joseon, as Korea was referred to in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, was confronted with public international law introduced by Western imperial states that challenged the existing ‘Sinocentric’ normative system. Eventually, the devolution of the Sinocentric order led to the demise of Joseon, despite appeals to state sovereignty under public international law in the face of Japanese imperialism. This inevitably set the stage for the creation of the modern South Korean state. South Korea today is an active participant in the international legal system, in large part due to its vibrant export-oriented economy, its status as an Asian middle power, as well as its emergence as a robust democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Vierthaler

Abstract The emergence of the South Korean New Right movement in the mid-2000s led to the questions of how to commemorate and evaluate the ROK state establishment in 1948, and when to precisely trace such a “foundation” (1919 or 1948?) to be vividly discussed in South Korean society. Was 1948 primarily a political division? Or was it a “foundation for success”? Following the 2008 Foundation Day Dispute, a significant number of scholarly works on the subject has been produced. This article analyses the conservative side of this discourse, approaching the foundation dispute as a conservative attempt to regain hegemony over South Korean Cultural memory in post-democratisation South Korea. Analysing New Right-authored historiography on the subject of “foundation,” the present study discloses how conservatives narrated the formative years of the South Korean state, arguing that merely dismissing the New Right as historical revisionists is too simple a conclusion. Rather, this article argues that struggles over Cultural memory are rooted in the ideological and institutional polarisation of South Korean intellectuals in contemporary South Korea. Furthermore, by contextualising the Foundation View against progressive historiography within South Korea as well as Cold War history in a global context, this study answers why the Foundation View ultimately failed to gain acceptance.


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