scholarly journals French image of the inhabitants of the Illyrian Provinces and the emergence of South Slavic nationalisms

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 69-80
Author(s):  
Wojciech Sajkowski
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
French Empire ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
South Slavs ◽  
Political Emancipation

The Illyrian Provinces, a part of the 1st French Empire which existed in the years 1809-1813, are often portrayed as a political entity which anticipated various projects of the political emancipation of the South Slavs. However, the link between later pan-South-Slavic movements and the Napoleonic political activity is a matter which still remains unclear and deserves some in-depth analysis. Most often the Napoleonic impact on the evolution of the nascent South-Slavic nationalisms is viewed in the perspective of the posterior political attitudes of the Croat, Slovene or Serbian elites towards the French, and their own interpretations of the Napoleonic impact on the pan-South-Slavic movement. The proposed paper will concentrate on the opposite approach and will investigate how French perceived the South Slavs in the perspective of the nascent nationalisms, especially that French propaganda presented Napoleon as the savior of the European nations including the „Illyrian” one. But how French defined this „Illyrian” nation? This question can be answered thanks to the French strive for description of the societies inhabiting Illyrian Provinces.

Catholics and Politics: The Worcestershire Election of 1604

1977 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-162
Author(s):  
Ian D. Grosvenor
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
James I ◽  
Star Chamber

James I proclaimed his first English parliament on 11 January 1603-04. He directed electors to eschew ‘any partial respects or factious combination’, and also to avoid returning ‘any persons either noted for their superstitious blindness one way, or for their turbulent humours other ways’. According to the Venetian Ambassador, it was ‘combination[s]’ of ‘Catholics’ and ‘Puritans’ that the King had particularly in mind. In the event the royal directive was imperfectly followed, At least thirteen elections were contested. Among them was the election for the shire of Worcester. As this study will show, the outcome of the Worcestershire parliamentary election was determined by the interaction of precisely such factional groupings as James had hoped to deter. As much is evident, both from the surviving correspondence of several of the leading participants, and from the records of the Star Chamber suit to which the election subsequently gave rise. The election is cited by Derek Hirst as an example of how ‘the issue of the danger to Protestantism could move people at all times’. But it was at times of extraordinary political activity, such as Parliamentary elections, that anti-Catholic feeling became particularly intense. This study will examine this proposition by reference to the Worcestershire election. It will also offer a reconsideration of Elliot Rose's interpretation of the political attitudes of English Catholics at the opening of the seventeenth century.

scholarly journals INFORMATION ABOUT GEORGIAN KINGDOM IN THE WORK AN-NASAVI

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-131
Author(s):  
Dmitry Timokhin
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mongol Empire ◽  
Oriental Studies

The Khwarazmian conquest and domination within the South Caucasus had a major impact on the political history of the region, which reduced the influence of the Georgian Kingdom – the strongest political entity in these lands. Experts claim that military and political activity of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi in this region is the main reason why he joined the Mongol Empire in 1230s’ without resisting the Mongol conquerors. One of the most valuable sources, describing the Khwarazmian invasion to the East Caucasus and the history of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi’s empire in 1225-1231, is the work of an-Nasawi “Sirat as-sultan Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi”. This historical source is important for understanding the features of political development of the Georgian Empire as the main political opponent of the Khwarazmian kingdom. However, there has been no special study of an-Nasawi’s work as a source on the history of the Georgian kingdom nor in domestic neither in foreign oriental studies. This paper intends to analyze not only the amount of information, provided by an-Nasawi on the Kingdom of Georgia in the course of his description of the Khwarazmian conquest in the South Caucasus, but also some features of said description, and author’s characteristics. Special attention is paid to those lacunas in the description of the South Caucasus, which can be observed in an-Nasawi’s work compared to other historical sources (in the Arabic-Persian, Georgian and Armenian languages). It is equally important to understand the extent to which the author pays attention to the detailed description of the political and military opponent of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi’s empire, which is the Kingdom of Georgia. It is also important to find out how an-Nasawi pictured and how he reflected in his work the war between Khwarazmian kingdom and the Georgian Empire: as a conflict over territories and spheres of influence or as a religious, even inter-ethnic one.

The Sokol Movement from Yugoslav Origins to King Aleksandar’s 1930 All-Sokol Rally in Belgrade

2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dejan Zec
Keyword(s):  
Focal Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Control ◽  
Single Event ◽  
The South ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
South Slavs ◽  
Political Divide

The Yugoslav Sokol movement was one of the most influential non-governmental organizations in the interwar Yugoslav Kingdom. In the course of the 1920s, it moved from an independent and idealistic organization which celebrated brotherhood between the South Slavs to being a still independent but Serb-centered organization whose version of Yugoslav integration pushed away Croats in particular. But it was only from 1929, when King Aleksandar’s royal dictatorship brought a reconstituted organization under direct state control, that it became a vehicle for official propaganda and an exponent of assimilating Serbs as well as non-Serbs under the banner of integral Yugoslavism. These efforts by the royal dictatorship in Belgrade from 1929 did not survive the king’s assassination in 1934. Helping to widen the political divide, particularly between Serbs and Croats, this official Sokol became a well-known focal point for Serb confrontation with non-Serb majorities in western and southern Yugoslavia. This article moves from the often neglected initial promise of the movement to concentrate on its role as a centerpiece in Aleksandar’s campaign to impose a Serbian-inspired Yugoslavism from Belgrade. And the centerpiece of that campaign was the all-Sokol rally organized at great expense and with great fanfare in Belgrade in 1930. This single event usefully illustrates the ambitions of the royal dictatorship to use Belgrade as a focal point for drawing the country together under a single authority.

scholarly journals Wpływ indywidualnych cech wyborców na ich aktywność polityczną – wyniki badań sondażowych przeprowadzonych na terenie Gniezna przed wyborami samorządowymi w 2014 roku

2018 ◽  
pp. 257-259
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Szkudlarek
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Individual Characteristics ◽  
Electoral Behavior ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Professional Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Level Of Education ◽  
Education Professional ◽  
The Impact

Studies on electoral behavior systematically confirm the influence of individual characteristics and the characteristics of the citizens on the level of political activity. For the variables most commonly examined include: level of education, professional status, age, gender and place of residence. Studies conducted just before the local elections in Gniezno, in 2014, allow us to analyze the impact of these characteristics on the political activity of voters. The objective of the article reflection will attempt to determine whether and to what extent, those characteristics determine political attitudes of Gniezno electorate. 

Disaffected Parties, 1688–1832

2019 ◽  
pp. 44-87
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Jonathan Swift ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Detailed Case

This first chapter provides an overview of some of the changing guises taken by disaffected political attitudes between the 1688 Revolution and the onset of liberal governance in the early nineteenth century, examining how these took shape across a range of genres, including Nahum Tate’s poetry, the writings of Jonathan Swift, a 1770 visual print, and the early nineteenth-century periodical Egeria. The chapter attends to historical flashpoints including the fall of Robert Walpole and the movement around John Wilkes (by way of attention to the ‘parties’ assembled around a 1770 theatrical controversy) and concludes with attention to the ‘political science’ and reimagined sympathies that accompanied the transition into nineteenth-century liberalism. The chapter thus provides broad frameworks in which to locate the detailed case studies that follow and introduces this book’s expanded approach to the ‘parties’ of political activity.

Partisanship and Autocratization: Polarization, Power Asymmetry, and Partisan Social Identities in Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melis G. Laebens ◽  
Aykut Öztürk
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Asymmetry ◽  
Partisan Identity ◽  
Political Divide ◽  
Ruling Party

Although theories of partisanship were developed for the democratic context, partisanship can be important in electoral autocracies as well. We use survey data to analyze partisanship in an electoral autocracy, Turkey, and find that partisanship is pervasive, strong, and consequential. Using the Partisan Identity Scale to measure partisanship, we show that, like in democracies, partisanship strength is associated with political attitudes and action. Unlike in democracies, however, the ruling party’s superior ability to mobilize supporters through clientelistic linkages makes the association between partisanship and political action weaker for ruling party partisans. We find that partisan identities are tightly connected to the perception that other parties may threaten one’s well-being, and that such fears are widespread on both sides of the political divide. We interpret our findings in light of the autocratization process Turkey went through. Our contribution highlights the potential of integrating regime dynamics in studies of partisanship.

V. II principio dell’irretroattività della legge nell’esperienza giuridica romana dell’età repubblicana

2021 ◽  
Vol 138 (1) ◽  
pp. 245-273
Author(s):  
Umberto Laffi
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Dynamic Relationship ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
The Law ◽  
Criminal Legislation ◽  
Epigraphic Evidence

Abstract The Principle of the Irretroactivity of the Law in the Roman Legal Experience in the Republican Age. Through an in-depth analysis of literary and legal sources (primarily Cicero) and of epigraphic evidence, the author demonstrates that the principle of the law’s non-retroactivity was known to, and applied by, the Romans since the Republican age. The political struggle favored on several occasions the violation of this principle by imposing an extraordinary criminal legislation, aimed at sanctioning past behaviors of adversaries. But, although with undeniable limits of effectiveness in the dynamic relationship with the retroactivity, the author acknowledges that at the end of the first century BC non-retroactivity appeared as the dominant principle, consolidated both in the field of the civil law as well as substantive criminal law.

scholarly journals Rise and Fall of the Grand Canal in the Ancient Kaifeng City of China: Role of the Grand Canal and Water Supply in Urban and Regional Development

Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 1932
Author(s):  
Wenji Huang ◽  
Mingwang Xi ◽  
Shibao Lu ◽  
Farhad Taghizadeh-Hesary
Keyword(s):  
Song Dynasty ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Central Plains ◽  
Grand Canal ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Song Dynasty ◽  
Political Center ◽  
Northern Song ◽  
The Grand Canal

In the long history of the feudal society of China, Kaifeng played a vital role. During the Northern Song Dynasty, Kaifeng became a worldwide metropolis. The important reason was that the Grand Canal, which was excavated during the Sui Dynasty, became the main transportation artery for the political and military center of the north and the economic center of the south. Furthermore, Kaifeng was located at the center of the Grand Canal, which made it the capital of the later Northern Song Dynasty. The Northern Song Dynasty was called “the canal-centered era.” The development of the canal caused a series of major changes in the society of the Northern Song Dynasty that were different from the previous ones, which directly led to the transportation revolution, and in turn, promoted the commercial revolution and the urbanization of Kaifeng. The development of commerce contributed to the agricultural and money revolutions. After the Northern Song Dynasty, the political center moved to the south. During the Yuan Dynasty, the excavation of the Grand Canal made it so that water transport did not have to pass through the Central Plains. The relocation of the political center and the change in the canal route made Kaifeng lose the value of connecting the north and south, resulting in the long-time fall of the Bianhe River. Kaifeng, which had prospered for more than 100 years, declined gradually, and by the end of the Qing Dynasty, it became a common town in the Central Plains. In ancient China, the rise and fall of cities and regions were closely related to the canal, and the relationship between Kaifeng and the Grand Canal was typical. The history may provide some inspiration for the increasingly severe urban and regional sustainable development issues in contemporary times.

scholarly journals Resituating the political in cultural intermediary work: Charity sector public relations and communication

2021 ◽  
pp. 136754942199423
Author(s):  
Anne M Cronin ◽  
Lee Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Cultural Intermediary ◽  
Cultural Intermediaries ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship

Drawing on a case study of public relations in the UK charity sector, this article argues that cultural intermediary research urgently requires a more sustained focus on politics and the political understood as power relations, party politics and political projects such as marketization and neoliberalism. While wide-ranging research has analysed how cultural intermediaries mediate the relationship between culture and economy, this has been at the expense of an in-depth analysis of the political. Using our case study as a prompt, we highlight the diversity of ways that the political impacts cultural intermediary work and that cultural intermediary work may impact the political. We reveal the tensions that underpin practice as a result of the interactions between culture, the economy and politics, and show that the tighter the engagement of cultural intermediation with the political sphere, the more tensions must be negotiated and the more compromised practitioners may feel.

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