scholarly journals LINGUISTIC AND RHETORICAL MEANS OF LEGITIMIZATION OF THE US MILITARY CAMPAIGN IN THE MIDDLE EAST IN AMERICAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-40
Author(s):  
Tatiana Golubeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Military Campaign

Taliban Advances

2021 ◽  
pp. 199-217
Author(s):  
Carter Malkasian
Keyword(s):  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Military Campaign

Chapter Ten, “Taliban Advances,” covers the Taliban successes in 2008 in Helmand and Kandahar, as well as outcome of the US military campaign in the mountains of Kunar and Nuristan.

War in the East

2021 ◽  
pp. 177-198
Author(s):  
Carter Malkasian
Keyword(s):  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Military Campaign

Chapter Nine, “War in the East,” delves into the US military campaign in the east from 2006 to 2008, focusing on the battles in the mountains of Kunar and Nuristan.

The Alleged Use of Chemical Weapons Against the Syrian People: Does It Justify Forceful Intervention?

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-159
Author(s):  
S. Krishnan
Keyword(s):  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
American People ◽  
Chemical Weapons ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Geneva Conventions ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Military Campaign

The USA continues to deliberate over the use of military force against the Syrian regime under Bashar al-Assad, after its alleged use of chemical weapons against civilians. So long as the UN Security Council does not agree with intervention, any US action is not permissible under the UN Charter. Even the principle of Responsibility to Protect would not be justified in this case, as any action is likely to be short, punitive, and unlikely to end the attacks on Syrian civilians. To determine if international law permits the launching of US military strikes in Syria, it is the UN Charter, and not the Geneva Conventions, which must guide the US government and the American people. Then, there is the so-called humanitarian intervention, or a military campaign calculated to stop widespread attacks on a civilian population, including acts of genocide, other crimes against humanity, and war crimes.

scholarly journals Tracing China's contemporary interest in post-9/11 Afghanistan

2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 175-183
Author(s):  
Zafar Iqbal Yousafzai ◽  
Inamullah Jan ◽  
Nasreen Akhtar
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Military Campaign

This article aims at examining China's contemporary interests in post-9/11 Afghanistan. China's diplomatic engagement started in post-Taliban Afghanistan, yet it did not take any part in the US military campaign. Sine the US-Taliban engagement for peace talks, Beijing has been playing an active role and hosted a number of Taliban delegations for the peace process. The article argues the security threat from Afghanistan, vast natural resources in Afghanistan; concern of narcotic flow from Afghanistan; the market for Chinese goods, and most importantly, Chin's Belt and Road initiative needs a stable and peaceful Afghanistan are the main factors Beijing is active vis-�-vis contemporary Afghanistan. China's active socio-economic, political, and diplomatic rendezvous in Afghanistan will not only bring peace and stability to Afghanistan but will also augment China's political thump at the global level and provide it with a peaceful neighbourhood, the market for its goods and a corridor for its Belt and Road Initiative.

scholarly journals Address to the Nation as a Genre of Military-Political Discourse

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 945-968
Author(s):  
Olga A. Solopova ◽  
Ksenia A. Naumova
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Call To Action ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Military Conflicts ◽  
The Us ◽  
Military Campaigns

The political rhetoric prevailing in democratic countries does not allow an open demonstration of commitment to military means of conflict resolution and, therefore, naturally gives rise to a special type of discourse, the linguistic and extralinguistic contexts of which are determined by the goal of initiating a war. This study aims to analyze the components of military-political discourse, as well as the ways they are implemented in the texts and the role they play in manipulating public opinion. The authors defines military-political discourse as the discourse of political elites accompanying various stages of military operations and developed to substantiate the need for their initiation based on the fundamental values of a particular society. The relevance of this study is determined both by the increased interest in military conflicts in modern society and by the insufficient study of military-political discourse in general. Address to the nation is one of the main genres of military-political discourse. The novelty of the research is determined by the authors approach to the analysis and interpretation of military-political discourse. The original texts of the addresses to the nation by B. Obama and D. Trump dedicated to the US military operations in Syria are used as the research material. The choice of these texts is due to their significant role in the coverage of the US Syrian campaign. Describing military-political discourse requires the use of a number of methods, namely descriptive and comparative methods, dictionary definitions and contextual analyses, as well as the method of critical discourse analysis. The authors established that, regardless of the administration in power, address to the nation as a genre of military-political discourse implies a certain scenario based on the following scheme: greeting - address to the nation agenda - description of US actions - description of violence (accusations) - description of the US role in the world - reference to previous military campaigns - call to action. The authors comes to the conclusion that each of these components plays a substantial role in the structure of military-political discourse and is realized through a certain set of discursive means that do not depend on the political preferences of a speaker.

US Congress will challenge deterrence strategy

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Maximum Pressure ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Capability ◽  
Us Congress ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us

Significance Trump and his immediate predecessors have made extensive use of powers granted in the wake of the 9/11 attacks to deploy armed force widely across the Middle East and North Africa. The Democratic-controlled House of Representatives seeks to curtail this. For the administration, this is a direct challenge to its ability to rebuild deterrence, in an age of rising inter-state competition, through greater military capability and convincing rivals that it can and will be used. Impacts Trump will campaign electorally on rebuilding the US military and deterrence capability. The administration will continue ‘maximum pressure’ against Iran but avoid new highly provocative steps. Trump will seek to reinvigorate North Korea talks and push his Middle East peace deal, to boost re-election prospects. Congress, especially Democrats, will try to limit Trump’s foreign policy powers, unsuccessfully, without veto-proof majorities. Unless and until Trump is re-elected, US allies and adversaries will be less likely to bow to administration policy pressure.

"Just Get 'em in the Air"

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua S. Aronoff
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Air Force ◽  
Cultural Barriers ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Training Team ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Functional Output

Once the strongest airpower in the Middle East, the Al Quwwa al Jawwiya al Iraqiya, or the Iraqi Air Force (IQAF), was powerless when the US invaded Iraq in 2003. After realizing the importance of the IQAF for Iraq’s future, the US began to rebuild it from scratch in 2004. Since then, the IQAF has made significant strides with help from the Coalition Air Force Training Team (CAFTT): the IQAF’s functional output has grown exponentially; Iraqi officers are commanding their own units; and Iraqi pilots are being recruited and trained. However, CAFTT struggled to effectively overcome many challenges, including American-perceived cultural barriers as well as an ongoing counterinsurgency (COIN) battle. Circumstances beyond US and Iraqi control caused these challenges. However, a lack of preparation by both players also fueled these struggles. Through a primarily American lens, this paper paints a panoramic picture of the new IQAF by analyzing CAFTT’s strategy, achievements, and failures. Specifically, personal interviews with US military officials offer insight into the less tangible difficulties that the US faced in rebuilding the IQAF. This insight enables a more in-depth critique, leading to the conclusion that the IQAF’s future remains gravely uncertain. Furthermore, it shows that the IQAF is neither independent nor sustainable, and it will rely on the US military for many years.

The Alliance between Fundamentalist Christians and the Pro-Israel Lobby: Christian Zionism in US Middle East Policy

2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Donald E. Wagner
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
International Media ◽  
Christian Zionism ◽  
The Us ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Middle East Policy ◽  
Near Future ◽  
Political Scene

It is a common assumption in the international media that the fundamentalist Christian Right suddenly appeared on the US political scene following the 11 September 2001 tragedy, and that it became a major force in shaping US policy in the Middle East. While it is true that fundamentalist Christians have exercised considerable influence during the George W. Bush administration, their ascendance is neither new nor surprising. The movement has demonstrated political influence in the US and England intermittently for more than a hundred years, particularly in the formation of Middle East policy. This article focuses on the unique theology and historical development of Christian Zionism, noting its essential beliefs, its emergence in England during the nineteenth century, and how it grew to gain prominence in the US. The alliance of the pro-Israel lobby, the neo-conservative movement, and several Christian Zionist organizations in the US represents a formidable source of support for the more maximalist views of Israel's Likud Party. In the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections this alliance could potentially thwart any progress on an Israeli–Palestinian peace plan in the near future. Moreover, Likud ideology is increasingly evident in US Middle East policy as a result of this alliance.

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