scholarly journals Interscalar Vehicles for an African Anthropocene: On Waste, Temporality, and Violence

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabrielle Hecht

How can we incorporate humanist critiques of the Anthropocene while harnessing the notion’s potential for challenging political imagination? Placing the Anthropocene offers one way forward; the notion of an African Anthropocene offers a productive paradox that holds planetary temporality and specific human lives in a single frame. Navigating the Anthropocene from Africa requires attending to scale both as an analytic and an actor category. In order to do so, this essay proposes the notion of interscalar vehicles: objects and modes of analysis that permit scholars and their subjects to move simultaneously through deep time and human time, through geological space and political space. This essay discusses the creation and destruction of value/waste and pasts/futures around a uranium mine in Mounana, Gabon, to unpack the political, ethical, epistemological, and affective dimensions of interscalar vehicles and their violent Anthropocenic implications.

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Cronin-Furman

AbstractWhy do repressive states create human rights institutions that cost them money and political capital but fail to silence international criticism? The academic literature assumes that states engaging in disingenuous human rights behavior are hoping to persuade (or deceive) liberal Western states and international advocates. But if human rights promoters in the West are the target audience for the creation of these half measures institutions, the strategy appears puzzlingly miscalculated. It reveals that the repressive state is sensitive to international opinion, and often results in increased pressure. The author argues that states engaging in human rights half measures are playing to a different, previously overlooked audience: swing states that can act as veto points on multilateral efforts to enforce human rights. The article illustrates these dynamics with a case study of Sri Lanka’s response to international pressure for postwar justice. The author shows that although the creation of a series of weak investigative commissions was prompted by pressure from Western governments and ngos, it was not an attempt to satisfy or hoodwink these actors. Instead, it was part of a coalition-blocking strategy to convince fellow developing states on the UN Human Rights Council to oppose the creation of an international inquiry and to give them the political cover to do so.


Lentera Hukum ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 191
Author(s):  
Muhammad Busyrol Fuad

The rise of national agraria conflicts that occurred seem to have been in the point is quite worrisome. Because he has a slice of various forms of human rights dimensionless violations. Various discourses in the effort to resolve the conflict continue. The discourse on the creation of a special court of land seems to have begun to gain a lot of attention. The reason, he is present in the situation of national agraria conflict that never ends, besides the passage of this discourse is full of momentum, which coincides with the draft Land Law Bill which is now entered the political space of legislation in parliament. A special court of land will certainly be a topic of discussion is quite fierce considering the issue will reach the settlement areas of national agraria cases that include land tenure by the plantation company (onderneming), PT. Perkebunan Nasional (PTPN), to the control of land by the military. This paper would like to discuss that the establishment of a special land court in the draft national land law is a necessity in solving a just national agrarian conflict. Keyword: Agraria Conflict, Violations of Human Rights, Special Court of Land


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesús Francisco Cháirez-Garza

This article examines B. R. Ambedkar’s dramatically shifting politics in the years prior to Partition. In 1940, he supported the creation of Pakistan. In 1946, he joined Winston Churchill in his demands to delay independence. Yet, in 1947, Ambedkar rejected Pakistan and joined the Nehru administration. Traditional narratives explain these changes as part of Ambedkar’s political pragmatism. It is believed that such pragmatism, along with Gandhi’s good faith, helped Ambedkar to secure a place in Nehru’s Cabinet. In contrast, I argue that Ambedkar changed his attitude towards Congress due to the political transformations elicited by Partition. Ambedkar approached Congress as a last resort to maintain a political space for Dalits in independent India. This, however, was unsuccessful. Partition not only saw the birth of two countries but also virtually eliminated the histories of resistance of political minorities that did not fall under the Hindu–Muslim binary, such as Dalits. In the case of Ambedkar, his past as a critic of Gandhi and Congress was erased in favour of the more palatable image of him as the father of the constitution. This essay reconfigures our understanding of Partition by showing how the promise of Pakistan shaped the way we remember Ambedkar.


2008 ◽  
pp. 3345-3356
Author(s):  
Bernd Carsten Stahl

A book on the topic of information technology and social justice would seem to be based on several implicit assumptions. One of these is that there are unequal distributions of technology and access to technology, which can be called ‘digital divides’. Another one is that these digital divides are a problem for justice. A final one is that a philosophical debate of these issues can be beneficial. This chapter aims to question the validity of these assumptions. It asks what philosophy contributes to the debate about digital divides. In order to do so, it briefly reviews the debates concerning justice and digital divides. It then discusses the question whether markets or states are better suited to overcome the unequal distribution of technology. The purpose of these brief restatements of some of the opinions found in the literature is to show that philosophy alone cannot inform us of what we should do. The chapter concludes by suggesting that, in order to address problems of digital divides, we need to go beyond philosophical debate and enter the political space.


Author(s):  
Bernd Carsten Stahl

A book on the topic of information technology and social justice would seem to be based on several implicit assumptions. One of these is that there are unequal distributions of technology and access to technology, which can be called ‘digital divides’. Another one is that these digital divides are a problem for justice. A final one is that a philosophical debate of these issues can be beneficial. This chapter aims to question the validity of these assumptions. It asks what philosophy contributes to the debate about digital divides. In order to do so, it briefly reviews the debates concerning justice and digital divides. It then discusses the question whether markets or states are better suited to overcome the unequal distribution of technology. The purpose of these brief restatements of some of the opinions found in the literature is to show that philosophy alone cannot inform us of what we should do. The chapter concludes by suggesting that, in order to address problems of digital divides, we need to go beyond philosophical debate and enter the political space.


Panggung ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Sahid

ABSTRACTRevolutionary struggle in order to compete for the independence of Indonesia has been a source of inspiration Indonesian artists, including Bambang Soelarto who wrote drama Domba-domba Re- volusi (DDR). DDR studied drama is quite interesting because it tries to criticize the freedom fight- ers. This study aims to: first to know the theme and the problem plays DDR; second to determine the relationship of the socio - historical struggle in 1948 with the sociological elements of drama DDR themes and issues. This study uses sociological theory of art. The basic principles of the sociology of art is the fact that the creation of works of art influenced by the historical social conditions where the work was created. Research using content analysis of Krippendorf, the methods used to examine the symbolic phenomena with the aim to explore and express the observed phenomenon which is the content, meaning, and an essential element of the literary work. Based results of this research is that Bambang Soelarto as the author tries to capture di?erence between fighters during the struggle for the political aspirations for 1948 are expressed in a work of drama. Historical events inspired the creation of drama DDR. Soelarto want to respond to the political aspirations of the di?erence between historical figures and wanted to provide an assessment and outlook through DDR.Keywords: themes, drama, sociology of art, social historical ABSTRAKRevolusi perjuangan dalam rangka memperebutkan kemerdekaan Indonesia telah men- jadi sumber inspirasi para seniman Indonesia, termasuk Bambang Soelarto yang menulis drama Domba-domba Revolusi (DDR). Drama DDR cukup menarik diteliti karena mencoba mengkritisi para pejuang kemerdekaan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk: pertama, mengeta- hui tema dan permasalah drama DDR; kedua, mengetahui hubungan kondisi sosio-histo- ris perjuangan pada tahun 1948 dengan unsur-unsur sosiologis terimplisir pada unsur tema dan masalah drama DDR. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori sosiologi seni. Prinsip dasar dari sosiologi seni adalah adanya fakta bahwa penciptaan karya seni dipengaruhi oleh kon- disi sosial historis tempat karya itu diciptakan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode con- tent analysis dari Krippendorf, yakni metode yang dipergunakan untuk meneliti fenome- na-fenomena simbolik dengan tujuan untuk menggali dan mengungkapkan fenomena yang teramati yang merupakan isi, makna, dan unsur esensial karya sastra. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat diketahui bahwa Bambang Soelarto sebagai penulis mencoba un- tuk menangkap perbedaan antara pejuang aspirasi politik selama perjuangan tahun 1948 untuk diekspresikan dalam sebuah karya drama. Peristiwa sejarah mengilhami penciptaan drama DDR. Soelarto ingin menanggapi aspirasi politik perbedaan antara tokoh-tokoh se- jarah dan ingin memberikan penilaian dan pandangan pandangannnya melalui DDR.Kata kunci: tema, drama, sosiologi seni, sosial historis


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


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