scholarly journals Brotherhood in Dispossession: State Violence and the Ethics of Expectation in Turkey

2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kabir Tambar

The category of minority has been constitutive of the concept of the people in Turkey, distilling those who do not belong to the history and destiny of the nation from those who do. Minority, in this sense, is not simply a demographic classification, nor merely a matter of legal recognition. It carries the weight of a historical judgment, which scaffolds political community by delineating which populations, languages, and religions remain beyond the framework of collective obligation and responsibility. This essay examines comments delivered by a pro-Kurdish political party and a largely Kurdish mothers-of-the-disappeared group during Turkey’s Gezi Park protests of 2013. These moments of public address participated in the broader spirit of state critique on display during those demonstrations. They were noteworthy, however, for recasting the Gezi events as a late occurrence in a longer history of state violence, prefigured by a century of dispossession experienced by those who have been classed as minorities or threatened with that designation. The essay asks how these invocations of history enabled interventions into imagined futures. The commentaries were not primarily aimed at repudiating the historical judgment of minority as discriminatory or contrary to law, but instead sought to delocalize the judgment vested in the category of minority, to see in that judgment an increasingly generalized economy of state violence, and to view it as prefiguring a political community to come.

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qasim ◽  
Ahmad Ali

A political alliance is a temporary combination of groups or individuals formed to pursue specific objectives through joint action. Pluralist democracies are characterized by alliances and coalitions by diverse political parties. Political parties, desiring to exercise powers in democracies having parliamentary setups, naturally have to come in coalition with the major political party in parliament. Political parties sometimes make preelection alliances while some make coalitions in the post-election era with the ruling party. Alliance political culture has deep-rooted impacts on Pakistani politics. These alliances gave tough times to military dictators throughout the history of Pakistan and contributed towards strengthening democracy in Pakistan. For instance, Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) was formed on 30th April 1967against Ayub Khan and the Movement for Restoration of Democracy on 8th February 1981. This paper enunciates and explores the politics of coalition in Pakistan before the dismemberment of Bangladesh and its impacts on the consequent events.


Author(s):  
Г. Й. Маммадли

В данной статье на анализе героических сказаний «Алтын Арыг» и «Книга моего отца Коркута» показано сопоставление с другими сказаниями тюрко - монгольских народов, подчёркнута схожесть типологически сходных явлений. Богатырские сказания хакасского народа отражают в себе историю народа, которая на долгие века сохранила их для будущего поколения всего тюркского мира. Изучение алыптыг нымахов, в частности свадебный обряд (выбор спутника жизни, испытания, девятидневный пиртой, расплетение шестидесяти косичек, заплетение одной косы и т. д.), традиционные сюжеты, действия главных героев показывают их тесную связь с эпосами других тюркских народов. Следы общетюркской культуры встречаются во всех сферах жизни героев героических сказаний. Мотив суженых имеет реальную историко - бытовую основу, восходящую к экзогамии, когда невесту брали из другого рода. In this article, based on the analysis of "Altyn Aryg" and "The book of my father Korkut', the comparison with other legends of Turkic - Mongolian peoples is shown, and the similarity of typologically similar phenomena is emphasized. The Khakass people's heroic tales reflect the history of the people, which preserved them for the future generation of the entire Turkic world for many centuries to come. The study of alyptyg nymakhs, in particular, the wedding ceremony (choosing a life partner, trials, a nine - day feast - toi, unwinding sixty braids, braiding one braid, etc.), traditional plots and actions of the main characters show their close connection with eposes of other Turkic peoples. Traces of national Turkic culture are found in all spheres of life of heroes of heroic tales. The motif of the betrothed has a real historical and everyday basis, dating back to exogamy, when a bride was taken from another kin.


Author(s):  
Mamta Chandrashekhar

This research work based on the colorfulPolitics which existing in the different societies in the world. Everybody has a different thoughts and vision to see the world so there are different political ideologiesto represent a political party, either officially or unofficially. Political Parties in different countries with similar ideologies tend to use similar colours.They have long been associated with specific colors. This is largely due to the fact that politics became popular long before literacy did in the history of human being cultural development because the people couldn’t read and even images could get complicated, political signs and signs in general, have to express something with different colors.India has always been exalted and remembered fondly as the country of different symbolic colors. To an outsider, its colorful culture, streets and stories seem like a page out of an ancient folk tale but there is a unity too in diversity. Different Colours, in essence, has been a large part of the Indian consciousness. Different parties come to rule with their owndifferent ideologieswith different colors. The symbolic colors of politics, there many colors, For example- Saffron- BJP ruled Centre and states,Tri color- Congress ruled states,Red - Left parties ruled states. Another color-NCP ruled state (Jammu &Kashmir) Every color has its own significance , own ideology, own thinking process, own style of functioning and own importance in political life. They may be like different flowers of different colors, but they all make a fabulous common garland-that is INDIA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 20-23
Author(s):  
Marina Trofimovna Gogoleva ◽  
Lyudmila Stepanovna Tutukarova

Interest in the research topic arose as a result of studying the texts of folklore prose of the Yakuts and Telengits. Used method, i.e. reliance on scientific works, collection of facts, comparative analysis of lexical-semantic parallels led to interesting results. The identified samples from the folklore of peoples separated by a huge distance and an independent history of development indicate the presence of common roots. Legends reflect the peculiarities of the ideological ideas of ethnic groups, spiritual and moral values, religious views; at the same time, commonality is found not only in the lexico-semantic plan, but also in the compositional structure of the presentation of the material and the syntax of texts. The changes are quite insignificant, for example, in the Yakut version of the legend «Dispute» the image of a large animal is transformed in accordance with the realities of the Arctic nature, for example, a camel turns into an elk. The thematic approach to the consideration of examples allows us to come to the conclusion that most of the coincidences fall on the texts of religious and everyday content. Some examples from onomastics also speak of ancient linguistic contacts or testify to migration processes among the Turkic-speaking ethnic groups, which have not yet received proper coverage in historical science. In the conclusion of the article, it is said about the need to attract more extensive material to the comparative historical study of the phenomenon. Based on the comprehension of the collected material, an assumption is made about the stability of individual lexemes and lexical-semantic constructions in the translation of the traditional beliefs of the people.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 366
Author(s):  
Bertin G. Kadet

This study addresses the issue of military violence affecting security in Burkina Faso and its implications in the West African geopolitics. Studies on the political and economic history of this country and surveys on recent proceedings in Burkina reveal that in this country, the security front has for several years been marked by state violence. For nearly half a century (1966- 2014), the military have seized state power and used the regular army of the country at the expense of the people and also towards destabilizing neighboring countries. With the just-ended political transition, the advent of a civil regime in this country in November 2015 could be a driver of peace and security at the national and regional levels only if the ruling Burkinabe authorities embark on institutional reforms that will pave the way to participatory democracy, and if public action is channeled as a matter of priority into human development.


1962 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Royden Harrison

The 10th April 1848 is one of the most famous days in the history of the nineteenth century. The Chartists of London had screwed themselves up for a decisive trial of strength with the ruling classes. They found themselves outnumbered by the combined resources of the civil and military powers. They shrank back before the prospect of a collision with the vast forces of law and order and property commanded by the Duke of Wellington and Richard Mayne. What was to have been a triumphant demonstration of the overwhelming power and determination of the people, ended in the anything but triumphal progress of a few hired hackney coaches carrying a dubious petition. “The 10th April, 1848 will long be remembered as a great field day of the British Constitution”, announced the Times. “The signal of unconstitutional menace, of violence, of insurrection, of revolution, was yesterday given in our streets, and happily despised by a peaceful, prudent, and loyal metropolis. That is the triumph we claim…. This settles the question. In common fairness it ought to be regarded as a settled question for years to come. The Chartists and Confederates made the challenge, and chose the field and trial of strength. They must stand by their choice. They chose to disturb the metropolis for the chance of something coming of it. They fished for a revolution and have caught a snub. We congratulate them on their booty, which we hope they will divide with their partners in Dublin. It is, perhaps, a fortunate circumstance that so momentous a question as the free action of the British Legislature should be settled thus decisively….”


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
Khadga K.C.

Unless Bangladesh will find credible means to change the political culture within which it function, the viability of democracy will remain doubtful. Though it is about four decades of independence, the history of democracy isn’t worth to value its principles in its actual practice. Bangladesh’s democracy is distorted by the malpractices of political power by her politicians. The quality of democracy in the country has been jeopardized by the immature practices and attitudes by its political party, in or out of power. In fact, the democracy in Bangladesh is deprived within/by the practice of democracy itself. Consequently, democracy becomes fragile and cannot run smoothly with its own spirit. It is now widely accepted that Bangladesh is facing a crisis of governance which originates in malfunctioning of the democratic process. The qualitative deterioration of governance leads to raise lack of concern in pursuing democratic values in practice. The people of this country cannot extract favors from democracy rather their interests become somewhat distorted. In this way the steady failure to get better governance could threaten the sustainability of practicing democracy in Bangladesh repeatedly.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Ibrahim ◽  
Dade Prat Untarti ◽  
Dade Prat Untarti

ABSTRAK: Permasalahan utama dalam penelitian ini adalah: (1) Bagaimana sejarah kedatangan orang Bugis di Desa Polewali Kecamatan Lainea Kabupaten Konawe Selatan? (2) Bagaimana kondisi sosial ekonomi dan budaya masyarakat nelayan suku Bugis di Desa Polewali Kecamatan Lainea Kabupaten Konawe Selatan (1950-2017)? Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian sejarah yang dikemukakan oleh Helius Syamsuddin bahwa tata kerja penelitian sejarah terdiri dari tiga tahapan yaitu: (1) Pengumpulan Data (Heuristik) (2) Kritik Sumber (Verifikasi) (3) Penulisan Sejarah (Historiografi). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa: (1) Awal kedatangan orang Bugis di Desa Polewali untuk mengamankan diri  karena pada saat itu mereka dikira mata-mata dari tentara Jepang jadi mereka meninggalkan daerah asal mereka yaitu Bone Sulawesi Selatan dan kemudian mereka menuju di Desa Polewali. Hal yang mendorong mereka tinggal di Polewali karena kondisi laut yang bagus. Pada tahun 1950 pertama sekali orang Bugis berlabuh di Desa Polewali  Nama Desa Polewali berasal dari bahasa Bugis yang terdiri dari kata “pole” dan “wali”, pole artinya datang dan wali artinya empat penjuru, polewali berarti datang dari empat penjuru. Orang  Bugis  banyak yang menjadi nelayan di Desa Polewali karena Desa Polewali berada di pinggir laut dan mempunyai potensi laut yang bisa menunjang pendapatan nelayan. (2)  Kondisi kehidupan masyarakat Desa Polewali sejak tahun 1950-2017 dapat dilihat dari; (a) Kondisi  sosial dalam masyarakat yang dapat dilihat dari interaksi sosialnya. Interaksi sosial yang dimaksud dalam penelitian ini adalah hubungan sosial antara sesama masyarakat nelayan suku Bugis dengan orang lain, baik menyangkut hubungan kerjasama dan persaingan. Dalam menangkap ikan dan memasarkan hasil tangkapan. (b) Kondisi ekonomi masyarakat nelayan suku Bugis di Desa Polewali (c) Kondisi budaya merupakan salah satu bagian  terpenting  dalam kehidupan masyarakat nelayan yang digunakan sebagai tata aturan yang mengatur pola perilaku setiap anggota-anggota dalam kehidupan masyarakat Desa PolewaliKata Kunci: Sejarah, Kondisi Sosial EkonomiABSTRACT: The main problems in this study are: (1) What is the history of the arrival of the Bugis in the Polewali Village of Lainea Subdistrict, Konawe Selatan District? (2) What are the socio-economic and cultural conditions of the Bugis fishing community in Polewali Village, Lainea Subdistrict, Konawe Selatan Regency (1950-2017)? The method used in this study is the historical research method proposed by Helius Syamsuddin that the work of historical research consists of three stages, namely: (1) Data Collection (Heuristics) (2) Source Criticism (Verification) (3) Historical Writing (Historiography) . The results of this study indicate that: (1) The initial arrival of the Bugis in the Polewali Village to secure themselves because at that time they were thought to be spies from the Japanese army so they left their home region of Bone South Sulawesi and then they headed to Polewali Village. The thing that pushed them to stay in Polewali was because of the good sea conditions. In 1950 the Bugis first anchored in the Polewali Village The name Polewali Village came from the Bugis language which consisted of the words "pole" and "guardian", pole meant to come and guardian meant four directions, polewali meant to come from four directions. Many Bugis people become fishermen in Polewali Village because Polewali Village is located on the seafront and has sea potential that can support the income of fishermen. (2) The living conditions of the people of Polewali Village since 1950-2017 can be seen from; (a) Social conditions in society which can be seen from social interactions. The social interaction referred to in this study is the social relationship between fellow Bugis fishing communities with other people, both concerning the relationship of cooperation and competition. In catching fish and marketing the catch. (b) Economic conditions of the Bugis fishing community in Polewali Village (c) Cultural conditions are one of the most important parts of the fishing community's life which are used as rules governing the behavior patterns of each member in the Polewali Village community life. Keywords: History, Socio-Economic Conditions


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Luc Roelandt ◽  
Aude Caria ◽  
Imane Benradia ◽  
Simon Vasseur Bacle

Resume: L’archétype du « fou » représente le paradigme du processus de stigmatisation et l’histoire de la folie apparaît comme une tentative de la faire disparaître en la médicalisant au profit de la notion de « maladie mentale ». Les résultats de l’enquête internationale SMPG nous montrent l’échec de la médicalisation de la folie à réduire la stigmatisation. Cette enquête décrit les représentations sociales associées aux archétypes du « fou », du « malade mental » et du « dépressif ». Réalisée en France (67 sites d’enquête) et dans 17 pays (20 sites internationaux), elle décrit les variants et invariants de ces trois archétypes. Elle décrit les facteurs d’une stigmatisation importante pour le groupe « fou / malade mental » : non responsabilité, non contrôlabilité, médicalisation, mauvais pronostic et dangerosité. Quel que soit le pays, le noyau dur des représentations associant folie et danger est enraciné dans l’imaginaire collectif et le « malade mental » porte les attributs d’un « fou » médicalisé. A l’inverse, l’étiquette « dé- pressif » semble plus acceptable et moins exposée à la stigmatisation. Très peu de personnes se reconnaissent dans la représentation collective du « fou » ou du “malade mental”, même celles qui ont des troubles mentaux diagnostiqués. Dès lors, comment sortir de la dichotomie folie/raison, eux/nous à la base du processus de stigmatisation, si pour tout le monde, et même les personnes qui ont des troubles, le fou c’est l’autre? Ce sera peut-être le rôle des patients eux-mêmes de lutter contre la stigmatisation et l’auto stigmatisation dans les années à venir. From the self-stigmatization to the origins of the stigmatization process. With regard to the survey «Mental health in the general population: images and realities» in France and 17 countries Abstract: The archetype of the ‘mad’ represents the paradigm of the stigmatization process and the history of madness appear as an attempt to make it disappear by their medicalization for the benefit of the concept of ‘mental illness ‘. The SMPG international survey results show the failure of the medicalization of madness to reduce stigma. This investigation describes the social representations associated to the archetypes of the ‘mad’, the “mentally ill” and the “depressed”. Made in France (67 sites) and in 17 countries (20 international sites), she describes the variants and invariants of these three archetypes. It describes the factors of significant stigmatization for the group ‘ mad / mentally ill ‘: non-responsibility, non-controllability, medicalization, poor prognosis and dangerousness. Regardless of the country, the hard core of representations combining madness and danger is rooted in the collective imagination and the “mentally ill” bears the attributes of a ‘mad’ medicalized. Conversely, the “depressive” label seems more acceptable and less exposed to stigma. Very few people recognize themselves in the collective representation of the ‘mad’ or the ‘mentally ill’, even those who have diagnosed mental disorders. Therefore, how to exit to the dichotomies madness/reason, us /them that are at the base of the process of stigmatization, if for all the people, and even people who have mental disorders, mad it is the other? This may be the role of the patients themselves to combat the stigma and self-stigma in the years to come.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 687-696 ◽  
Author(s):  
PARTHA CHATTERJEE

There is a long-standing myth that the history of modern India was foretold at the beginning of the nineteenth century by British liberals who predicted that the enlightened despotic rule of India's new conquerors would, by its beneficial effects, improve the native character and institutions sufficiently to prepare the people of that country one day to govern themselves. Lord William Bentinck, a disciple of Jeremy Bentham, while presenting as governor-general his case for the opening up of India to European settlers, speculated on the possibility of “a vast change to have occurred in the frame of society . . . which would imply that the time had arrived when it would be wise for England to leave India to govern itself”, but added that such change “can scarcely be looked for in centuries to come”. The doctrinal basis within liberal theory for justifying a democratic country like Britain exercising despotic power in colonies such as Ireland and India was securely laid out by mid-century liberals such as John Stuart Mill. The project of “improvement” was revived at the end of the nineteenth century by Gladstonian liberals who inducted elite Indians into new representative institutions based on a very narrow franchise in preparation for some form of self-government. When power was ultimately transferred to the rulers of a partitioned subcontinent in 1947, the history of liberal progress in India was complete. The storyline was laid out, for instance, in Thompson and Garratt's Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India or in Percival Spear's revised edition of the hugely successful textbook by Vincent Smith. Even nationalist Indian scholars adopted at least a part of this story, nowhere more so than in the histories of constitutional law which traced the foundations of the postcolonial Indian republic to the progressive expansion of liberal state institutions under British rule.


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