scholarly journals AN ANALYSIS ON THE ISLAMOPHOBIC ACTS IN FRANCE POST-ARAB SPRING

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 250
Author(s):  
Hadza Min Fadhli Robby ◽  
Aathifah Amrad
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
French Society ◽  
Front National ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Immigrant Policies ◽  
The Right ◽  
Native White

 The discourse of Islamophobia in Europe has become increasingly popular after the endless war in the Middle East. The instability that hit the Middle East after Arab Spring and the civil war in Syria has forced some of its population to migrate to European countries, including France. The large number of immigrants who have entered France has also been accompanied by rampant acts of attacks and terrorism, thereby revives the feelings of Islamophobia among the native white French. Meanwhile, Front National as an ultranationalist party known for its racist anti-immigrant policies has gained more influences in France by using Islamophobic narratives. In its political campaign, Front National uses the concepts of Laicite to corner French Muslim in the public sphere. The presence of French Muslim community is considered as a threat toward secular values and Christian civilization. In this study, the author will analyze the increase of Islamophobia which has been triggered by the immigrant crisis and the influence of the right-wing movement. The concept of race by W. Thomas Schmid will serve as a theoretical framework to answer the increasing Islamophobia in France. To conduct the research, the author uses the qualitative method to analyze texts and narratives related to the Islamophobia acts in France. This research concluded with a statement that Islamophobia in France post-Arab Spring generally occurs in three aspect: cognitive, motivational and behavioral aspects. A tendency of certain groups in the French society which looks Islam as a racial problem becomes one of the main roots of the rise of Islamophobia in France. Wacana Islamofobia di Eropa berkembang pesat, didorong oleh intensitas konflik di Timur Tengah yang tidak berkesudahan. Instabilitas yang melanda kawasan Timur Tengah pasca Arab Spring dan perang saudara di Suriah mendorong sebagian besar penduduknya untuk melakukan imigrasi ke berbagai wilayah di  Eropa, termasuk Perancis. Hal ini membangkitkan kembali perasaan Islamofobia di beberapa kalangan penduduk Perancis yang berkulit putih. Dalam kondisi ini, Front National sebagai partai ultra-nasionalis menjadikan narasi-narasi Islamofobia untuk merebut pengaruh dalam politik Perancis. Front National juga menggunakan konsep Laicite untuk menyudutkan masyarakat Muslim di ranah publik. Kehadiran kelompok Muslim di tengah-tengah penduduk Perancis dianggap dapat mengancam nilai-nilai sekuler dan peradaban Kristen. Dalam tulisan ini, penulis akan menganalisis mengapa terjadi peningkatan Islamofobia yang dipicu akibat krisis imigran serta pengaruh gerakan sayap kanan. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep Ras yang dikembangkan oleh W. Thomas Schmid. Dalam melakukan riset, penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif untuk mengkaji teks serta naskah-naskah yang terkait dengan tindakan Islamofobia di Perancis. Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa Islamofobia di Perancis setelah Arab Spring terjadi dalam 3 aspek, yakni aspek kognitif, motivasional, dan behavioral. Adanya kecenderungan sebagian masyarakat Perancis memandang Islam sebagai masalah rasial menjadi akar penting yang menyebabkan berkembangnya Islamofobia di Perancis. 

Pliuvium’s Unholy Trinity: Russian Nationhood, Anti-Semitism, and the Public Sphere after 1905

Experiment ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-116
Author(s):  
Stephen M. Norris
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Public ◽  
Imperial Culture ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right

Abstract This article focuses on anti-Semitic cartoons published in the right-wing, satirical, illustrated newspaper Pliuvium, which appeared in Russia after the 1905 Revolution. The illustrated journal represented one of the new, far-right media outlets in the wake of the events of 1905 and its editors sought to redefine Russia as a traditional monarchy, home to ethnic Russians. To accomplish this aim, Pliuvium employed caricaturists who drew contrasts between Russians and Jews, turning the latter into the antithesis of the nation. Through close readings of several anti-Semitic images from the newspaper, the author seeks to reveal the broader historical forces contained within them. In the end, these cartoons help us understand the “unholy trinity” comprising the ugly side of Russian nationhood, racism in Russian imperial culture, and the emergence of far-right publics by 1905.

Gender, Populism and Anti-Immigrations

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 61-79
Author(s):  
Julia Roth
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Cultural Hegemony ◽  
Social Hierarchies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gender Hierarchy ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right

In current struggles over cultural hegemony, conservative and right-wing populist dis- course is marked by an omni-presence of topics related to gender and sexuality. This article examines the ways in which diverse actors of what will be called the ‘right-wing populist complex’ use gender in order to catapult a variety of arguments into the public sphere with particular focus on actors in the Americas and Germany. Suggest- ing a first set of Right-Wing Populist Patterns of Gendering1, the article pursues the question how seemingly emancipatory arguments function in right-wing discourse, especially in performing a modernisation paradigm, while simultaneously, and in of- ten paradoxical ways, promoting a program of re-traditionalisation. Therefore, often, gender arguments—like the sexual freedom of ‘autochtonous’ women—are used to justify anti-immigration and racist politics. One’s own society can thus be depicted as supposedly already fully emancipated in contrast to the alleged ‘backward’ social order of immigrants. Through this ethno-sexist twist, the article argues that gender provides right-wing populist discourse a useful tool for affectively bridging seemingly paradoxical arguments and transferring diverse social hierarchies shaped by late neo- liberalism onto the gender hierarchy of a society. Since gender as a discursive element is foundational for right-wing discourse, an analytical, systematic and intersectional gender lens—or a critical gender theory—is crucial in right-wing populism research in order to grasp patterns of gendering and their entanglements with racialisation and racist structures.

scholarly journals New Public Sphere dan Perkembangan Teknologi Media Sosial di Kawasan MENA (Middle East and North Africa): Studi Kasus Peranan Media InternasionalterhadapPembentukan Social Networking dalam Egyptian Revolution

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ajeng Rizqi Rahmanillah
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Egyptian Revolution ◽  
The Public ◽  
New Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring

<p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p><em>Massive movement of the Egyptian people, called the Egyptian Revolution, is part of a wave of democratization of the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa.The purpose of this essay is to provide information about the influence of new public sphere and media technology, to the civil society movement in the region. The public sphere is the space of communication of ideas and projects that emerge from society and are addressed to the decision makers in the institutions of society. The global civil society is the organized expression of the values and interests of society. The relationships between government and civil society and their interaction via the public sphere define the polity of society. This essay is a qualitative study using the case study method. The results of this study showed that the development of global communication media has a significant influence on the civil society to develop their skills in using information technology. This has led to the Arab Spring in Tunisia became a successful spark that triggered the revolution in Egypt. Phase emergence of Reformers in the Arab Spring wave of democratization in Egypt indicate that the movement of the Reformers strongly associated with one of the instruments of mass communication become public means of expression, to spread the idea, and eventually forms a networking in a short time</em>.</p><p> </p><p><strong><em>Keywords: New Public Sphere, social media, social movement, egyption revolution</em></strong></p>

The Priority of Public Reasons and Religious Forms of Life in Constitutional Democracies

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Cristina Lafont
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Difficult Question ◽  
Political Deliberation ◽  
Forms Of Life ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right ◽  
Mutual Accountability

In this essay I address the difficult question of how citizens with conflicting religious and secular views can fulfill the democratic obligation of justifying the imposition of coercive policies to others with reasons that they can also accept. After discussing the difficulties of proposals that either exclude religious beliefs from public deliberation or include them without any restrictions, I argue instead for a policy of mutual accountability that imposes the same deliberative rights and obligations on all democratic citizens. The main advantage of this proposal is that it recognizes the right of all democratic citizens to adopt their own cognitive stance (whether religious or secular) in political deliberation in the public sphere without giving up on the democratic obligation to provide reasons acceptable to everyone to justify coercive policies with which all citizens must comply.

scholarly journals Cultures of rejection at work: Investigating the acceptability of authoritarian populism

Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146879682110124
Author(s):  
Alexander Harder ◽  
Benjamin Opratko
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Moral Order ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Public ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Public Sphere

This article introduces the concept of cultures of rejection as a framing device to investigate conditions of acceptability of authoritarian populism among workers in Germany and Austria. After situating the concept in the current scholarly debate on right-wing populism and discussing its main theoretical points of reference, we offer an analysis focusing on experiences of crisis and transformation. Two elements of cultures of rejection are discussed in depth: the rejection of racialised and/or culturalised ‘unproductive’ others; and the rejection of the public sphere, linked to the emergence of a ‘shielded subjectivity’. These articulations of rejection are then discussed as related to two dimensions of a crisis of authority: the crisis of state or political authority in the field of labour and the economy; and the crisis of a moral order, experienced as decline in social cohesion. In conclusion, we identify possible avenues for further research, demonstrating the productivity of the conceptual framework of cultures of rejection.

scholarly journals Simulation, Control and Desire. Urban Commons and Semi-Public Space Resilience in the Age of Augmented Transductive Territorial Production

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfredo Manfredini
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
External Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Spatial Production ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right ◽  
Urban Commons

Considering place-based participation a crucial factor for the development of sustainable and resilient cities in the post-digital turn age, this paper addresses the socio-spatial implications of the recent transformation of relationality networks. To understand the drivers of spatial claims emerged in conditions of digitally augmented spectacle and simulation, it focuses on changes occurring in key nodes of central urban public and semi-public spaces of rapidly developing cities. Firstly, it proposes a theoretical framework for the analysis of problems related to socio-spatial fragmentation, polarisation and segregation of urban commons subject to external control. Secondly, it discusses opportunities and criticalities emerging from a representational paradox depending on the ambivalence in the play of desire found in digitally augmented semi-public spaces. The discussion is structured to shed light on specific socio-spatial relational practices that counteract the dissipation of the “common worlds” caused by sustained processes of urban gentrification and homogenisation. The theoretical framework is developed from a comparative critical urbanism approach inspired by the right to the city and the right to difference, and elaborates on the discourse on sustainable development that informs the United Nations’ New Urban Agenda. The analysis focuses on how digitally augmented geographies reintroduce practices of participation and commoning that reassemble fragmented relational infrastructures and recombine translocal social, cultural and material elements. Empirical studies on the production of advanced simulative and transductive spatialities in places of enhanced consumption found in Auckland, New Zealand, ground the discussion. These provide evidence of the extent to which the agency of the augmented territorialisation forces reconstitutes inclusive and participatory systems of relationality. The concluding notes, speculating on the emancipatory potential found in these social laboratories, are a call for a radical redefinition of the approach to the problem of the urban commons. Such a change would improve the capacity of urbanism disciplines to adequately engage with the digital turn and efficaciously contribute to a maximally different spatial production that enhances and strengthens democracy and pluralism in the public sphere.

scholarly journals Kepemimpinan Perempuan di Ruang Publik dalam Tafsir Al-Kasysyâf

Al-Ulum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 459-480
Author(s):  
Sulaiman Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Women's Leadership ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right

This paper explores al-Zamakhshari's thoughts on women's leadership in the public sphere in tafsir al-Kasysyaf's . Islam does not require the wife to submit to her husband as he is obliged to submit to God. On the contrary, with the existence of rights that must be fulfilled by the husband towards the wife, then as reciprocity of Islam gives the right for the husband to be obeyed as long as it does not conflict with the teachings of religion. However, in terms of leadership in the public sphere, az-Zamakhsyarîy is more likely to place the position of women under men. This is evident in his expression when interpreting the word فضل الله بعضهم علي بعض that leadership is given by Allah to men because of its advantages in several respects, even az-Zamakhsyarîy considers men to have many advantages over women

Journalists’ Misjudgement of Audience Opinion

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110522
Author(s):  
David Nicolas Hopmann ◽  
Andreas R.T. Schuck
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Public Support ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Public ◽  
Federal States ◽  
Voting Age ◽  
The Right

Prior studies have reported a right-leaning bias in the media’s reporting of how the public thinks of political issues, raising the question: Why, and to what extent, is this the case? One reason in particular has been discussed in this regard: Journalists judge public opinion to be more right leaning than it actually is (Beckers et al. 2021; Lewis et al. 2004). This paper therefore studies to what extent journalists misjudge audience opinion. The analyses are based on large-scale representative surveys of journalists (1993/2005) and the voting-age population (1994/2005) in Germany. Results show that German journalists (mis-)judge audience opinion to be more right-leaning than the audience sees itself. The results also show that journalists judge audience opinion to be to the right of their own stances, and that journalists in federal states with a right-leaning government and in West Germany judge audience opinion to be even further to the right. Audience feedback does not push journalists’ judgements of their audience towards the right, however. These results are discussed vis-à-vis research showing that there is a consistent bias in the depiction of opinions expressed by ordinary citizens, and research documenting that political elites overestimate public support for right-wing policies.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document