scholarly journals The Rise of Alternative Presidential Candidates in Chile, 2009-2017

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-109
Author(s):  
Patricio Daniel Navia ◽  
Lucas Perelló

This article explores the growing popularity of alternative presidential candidates — those from outside the two dominant coalitions — in Chile from 2009 to 2017. Following a theoretical discussion that focuses on the causes of voter discontent with the political establishment, we formulate four hypotheses. We view support for alternative presidential candidates as a function of ideological detachment, declining political engagement, the economic vote, and socio-demographic shifts in the electorate. We use three pre-electoral Centro de Estudios Públicos surveys to present probit models and predicted probabilities. Our findings suggest that a distinct segment of Chilean voters is behind the rise of alternative presidential candidates. Younger and more educated voters who identify less with the traditional left-right ideological scale and political parties and suffer from economic anxiety—viewing the economy as performing well nationally while remaining pessimistic about their financial prospects—comprise this subgroup.

Author(s):  
Lena Alexandra Hübner

Cet article propose une discussion théorique autour de la notion de l’animateur de communauté dans le domaine politique. Plus précisément nous nous intéressons au rôle que ce dernier joue dans l’émergence de débats délibératifs au sein d’échanges ayant lieu sur les pages Facebook de partis politiques allemands. En s’appuyant sur les recherches portant sur les modérateurs de forums politiques et sur la recherche à propos de la gestion de communauté en communication marketing, le texte se questionne sur la relation entre l’animateur de communauté, son public et le parti politique. Ce faisant, trois hypothèses sont élaborées. Premièrement, le statut de l’animateur de communauté au sein de son équipe pourrait jouer un rôle dans le développement des échanges sur les pages en question. Deuxièmement, la modération silencieuse ne favoriserait pas l’émergence de débats. Troisièmement, le maintien de la frontière de l’espace de discussion susciterait des tensions entre internautes et partis politiques. À travers le concept du gatekeeping (contrôle des flux d’information), il est possible de capturer les rapports de force qui se déploient entre la communauté, l’animateur et le parti politique dans ce contexte. This article reflects a theoretical discussion about the notion of community management in German politics. It shows the role that the community manager plays in exchanges that take place on Facebook pages of political parties. More precisely, the article focuses on the community manager’s influence on the emergence of deliberative debates. Referring to research about moderation of political parties’ discussion forums as well as to marketing and communication studies on community management, this text questions the relation between community manager, its public and the political party. In doing so, three hypotheses are elaborated. First, the community manager’s status within the communication department and the party itself could play a role in the development of exchanges on the pages in question. Second, silent moderation would not favour emergence of debates. Finally, the maintenance of the frontiers defining the sphere of discussion may provoke tensions between the participants and the party. By applying the concept of gatekeeping, we are able to capture the power relations between users, management and political party in this context.


1989 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Daryl H. Rice

The effective nomination of presidential candidates has moved from the national conventions themselves into the process of delegate selection. While much has been written on the political causes and effects of this development, less attention has been paid to describing the underlying mechanics of the methods by which political parties in the states now choose their delegations. What follows is a typology, stripped of political considerations, of the methods used in 1988.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-51
Author(s):  
Michael M Ndonye

This paper critiques ethnopolitical journalism in televised political analyses of the 2017 electoral process in Kenya. Ethnopolitical journalism is a reporting model characterised by a focus on ethnicity when analysing and describing political situations; leading to ethnic identity formation in the society that places mass media at economic vantage point. Motivated by mediatized ethnicity, Kenyans find themselves perpetually under normalised ethnopolitics and ethnopolitical journalism is a major strategy in the mainstream media. Fourteen televised political analysis shows; from major television channels were examined. The analysis targeted prioritised and dominant topics of discussion, the composition of the panels; the most discussed presidential candidates and the moderator’s leads toward a particular direction during the analyses. The findings show that in all the televised political analysis shows, all members of the panel are drawn from the five ethnic groups. Moreover, all priority topics target the two supposedly major political sides (NASA and Jubilee); whose principals and deputies come from the five ethnic groups. It was also noted that every discussion from different Television channels are narrowed deliberately by the moderator to discuss about Raila Odinga and Uhuru Kenyatta, thus, ignoring all other presidential candidates, their political parties and areas considered their strongholds. These findings reveal the media’s deliberate choices of house styles and reporting models during the electoral periods in Kenya. The study concludes that media has been the high priest of ethnicity normalization culture that has shaped the political mindset of Africa to the extent of undermining its transformative leadership. The findings add to the research critical of media practice and political economy of mass media reporting during electioneering periods.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-470
Author(s):  
A. Popovych ◽  
A. Sabovchyk

Changing the political elite in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections raises interest in what will be the state's policy in various fields, including the environment. After all, the effectiveness of state environmental policy has not been achieved in previous years. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to determine the environmental trends of election (presidential, parliamentary) programs. In terms of research tasks, an attempt has been made to find out which of the types of environmental consciousness are the preferences of election programs; to trace the relationship between the environmental components of the programs of Presidential candidates and the political parties they represent; to find out whether the objectives of the state environmental policy of Ukraine for the period up to 2030 are taken into account in the election programs. The study was based on the environmental components of the election programs of the top 5 presidential candidates and the top 5 political parties that entered the parliament. The results of the analysis revealed that they were not filled enough: some did not contain such information or were formulated as a slogan of a single sentence. It is revealed that the content of election programs legitimizes the postmodern (harmonious) type of environmental consciousness. Only one program combines characteristics of all three types, including traditionalist and modernist (technocentric). It has been found that the environmental provisions of the programs of the presidential candidates and their political parties in the parliamentary elections are only partially correlated. The authors' special attention is focused on the consistency of election program provisions with the strategic goals of the state environmental policy. This aspect of the study shows that greening the worldview of the society as one of the five strategic goals of Ukraine's state environmental policy is not mentioned in the documents analyzed. Good environmental governance is only declared during a presidential campaign in one program regarding responsibility for environmental damage. The other two goals (sustainable development of natural resource potential, reduction of environmental risks and a safe environment) are fragmented. In both campaigns, greening of management decisions on socio-economic development is the most significant. The authors conclude about old trends of formal, ideologically unformed attitude of the political elite towards the environment in the election programs, the emergence of a business component as a relatively new trend in one of the election programs, and also express the opinion about the debate over the complex environmental policy and the new power of the new authorities management decisions in this area.


Significance Economic weakness plus popular resentment of an elite seen as corrupt creates potential for mass demonstrations by pro- and anti-EU factions. Russia's importance as an economic partner is waning but it retains substantial influence through sympathetic political parties. A presidential election this October will be coloured by the unresolved bank fraud scandal, which has created a gulf between the political establishment and the electorate. Impacts Mainstream politicians will be find it hard to shake off perceived links to corruption. Prominent figures, whether oligarchs or pro-Russian politicians, may therefore avoid standing as presidential candidates. Lack of systemic reforms is a constraint on Moldova's ability to engage with EU economies. Domestic turmoil makes the government less likely to challenge Transnistria, which will remain a conduit for Russian pressure.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 672-690
Author(s):  
Joseph Benjamin Archibald Afful ◽  
Rexford Boateng Gyasi

A key pre-election spoken genre in several modern democracies is unarguably the manifesto launch speech. Yet, it has surprisingly received either very little or no scholarly attention. Consequently, from a rhetorical perspective, this study examined the schematic structure of three keynote speeches delivered by presidential aspirants of three leading political parties in Ghana – New Patriotic Party (NPP), National Democratic Congress (NDC), and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) – to launch their political parties’ manifestos in 2016. The three speeches delivered by the presidential candidates of the three parties constituted the data set for the study. Applying the popular Swalesean rhetorical move analysis, originally meant for the academic setting, the study identified the use of a nine-move pattern as the schematic structure for the genre across the three speeches, with four ambiguous moves. These findings of the study have implication for the standardizing of the schematic structure of manifesto launch speeches worldwide and, thus, contributes to the scholarship on the political manifesto genre, political communication as well as further research on manifesto launch speeches in other democracies around the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 321
Author(s):  
Rizkyansyah Rizkyansyah

This paper aims to examine and understand the form of factionalisation and Internal Conflict of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) in people's perception of its existence as a political party. The method uses a qualitative approach with data and information obtained through interviews and library research methods. The data and arguments built in this paper use qualitative studies, namely by gathering various scientific references and from primary and secondary sources through searching for writings related to books, journals, papers, newspapers, magazines and direct interview results with informants related to problem in this study. The results showed that the internal PPP conflict was caused by differences in the views of political elite in determining the coalition carrying the presidential candidates. This happened in the PPP in 2014 when there were differences in the nominations between Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy. The conflict then led to the dualism of the leadership of the Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy camps. Another factor driving conflict is the different backgrounds of cadres in the political parties. Therefore, conflict management absolutely needs a political party. 


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 1 introduces the concept of violence against women in politics and considers why violence against women in politics has remained hidden for so long. Testimonies from politically active women point to four reasons. Some women normalize violence as part of the political game and thus simply do not perceive it as a “problem” (a cognitive gap). Others recognize that violence is not an acceptable cost of political engagement, but nonetheless remain quiet to protect their political careers and/or their political parties (a political gap), or to avoid scorn or blame from others for purportedly bringing the abuse upon themselves (a receptivity gap). A final group would speak out but feels there is no one to tell or no adequate language to describe their experiences (a resources gap). The chapter concludes with an overview of the volume.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Collard ◽  
Tudi Kernalegenn

AbstractAgainst a long trend decline in the membership of political parties in Western democracies, there has been an unexpected surge in the UK since 2015. Interestingly, this phenomenon has also been observed amongst British expatriates, despite their historically very low levels of engagement. Our paper explores this development using a multi-methods approach to investigate its impact across the three main parties, comparing the relative importance of supply-side and demand-side factors in each case. We show that the creation and development of British parties abroad are the result of two contrasting dynamics: a top-down one, which gives legitimacy and structure and in some cases, resources, and a bottom-up one, which gives purpose but also networks. Our survey of British expatriate party members reveals a diversity of triggers and motivations for membership, making an original contribution to the wider literature on party membership and on the political engagement of emigrants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


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