John Kramer for President: The rise of authoritarian horror

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-140
Author(s):  
Reece Goodall

In 2016, Donald Trump was elected President of the United States of America, to great surprise. His election has been connected to the emergence of authoritarianism as a political force in America, as political scholars have argued Trump’s campaign success lay in how his rhetoric is authoritarian in nature, and how it activates an authoritarian tendency in a sizeable portion of the voter base in response to social and demographic changes within the country. This article argues that contemporary horror cinema reflects and responds to the rise of American authoritarianism. Building on the work of scholars of authoritarianism, this article outlines a number of characteristics of authoritarian horror films. Specifically, it analyses the case study of Jigsaw to argue that two understandings are possible, linked to the coding of both the authoritarianism associated with the villain and the social threats they react to as troubling. It then draws on a number of further examples (Unfriended, Don’t Hang Up and the Purge films) to suggest that the emergence of this tendency within horror cinema is reflective of an increasingly polarized population and that, although the films explicitly condemn authoritarianism through their villain characters, they simultaneously cater to both halves of this divide by also depicting the world in which these authoritarians rise as horrific.

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Itumeleng D. Mothoagae

The question of blackness has always featured the intersectionality of race, gender, sexuality and class. Blackness as an ontological speciality has been engaged from both the social and epistemic locations of the damnés (in Fanonian terms). It has thus sought to respond to the performance of power within the world order that is structured within the colonial matrix of power, which has ontologically, epistemologically, spatially and existentially rendered blackness accessible to whiteness, while whiteness remains inaccessible to blackness. The article locates the question of blackness from the perspective of the Global South in the context of South Africa. Though there are elements of progress in terms of the conditions of certain Black people, it would be short-sighted to argue that such conditions in themselves indicate that the struggles of blackness are over. The essay seeks to address a critique by Anderson (1995) against Black theology in the context of the United States of America (US). The argument is that the question of blackness cannot and should not be provincialised. To understand how the colonial matrix of power is performed, it should start with the local and be linked with the global to engage critically the colonial matrix of power that is performed within a system of coloniality. Decoloniality is employed in this article as an analytical tool.Contribution: The article contributes to the discourse on blackness within Black theology scholarship. It aims to contribute to the continual debates on the excavating and levelling of the epistemological voices that have been suppressed through colonial epistemological universalisation of knowledge from the perspective of the damnés.


1968 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Coats

Few scholars would nowadays question the importance of the United States in the world of learning; but the process whereby that nation attained its present eminence still remains obscure. Among the cognoscenti, it is generally acknowledged that American scholarship had come of age by the early 1900s, whereas fifty years earlier there had been only a handful of American scholars and scientists of international repute, and the country's higher education lagged far behind its European counterpart. Yet despite the recent popularity of intellectual history and research in higher education, which has produced a veritable flood of publications touching on various aspects of this theme, the heart of the process—the emergence of the academic profession—is still inadequately documented and imperfectly understood.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (9) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Jean-Sylvain Ndo Ndong

The financial crisis of the late 2000s gave rise to protectionist hints which called into question the consensus on the liberalization of world trade since the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. This trend towards protectionism has taken on new magnitude with the arrival of Donald Trump as President of the United States of America. In fact, since the beginning of 2018, the American administration has carried out its threats by imposing customs duties on imports of the various products from China and the European Union. In retaliation, the countries concerned responded with restrictions on American exports to their territory. Also the rationality of the market economy, there is more and more opposed the power of emotions and impulses embodied by the populists at the head of which D. Trump, the American President. Globalization is therefore required to adapt its rules to survive. The purpose of this paper is to show that for a good adaptation of its rules, it is necessary to activate one of the most powerful levers of gains in international trade, the differentiation of products. This is a response to the exploitation of the diversification and heterogeneity of demand in terms of tastes and incomes. Because, by allowing the firm to differentiate its products to distinguish them from those of competitors, differentiation offers the opportunity to soften competition, increase profits and improve product quality.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita M. McGahan

I was the President of the Academy of Management (AOM) in 2016-2017 when U.S. President Donald Trump issued an Executive Order banning immigration and travel to the United States by citizens of seven predominantly Muslim countries (EO13769). While I immediately sought to condemn EO13769 as immoral and as a threat to the AOM, I was only able to issue a condemnation in my own name and not in the name of the AOM because the Board’s Executive Committee correctly determined that a condemnation would have violated the AOM Constitution. This put me in the untenable position of leading an organization operating under principles that conflicted with my personal beliefs about an immoral act of government. The article is a case study on this situation. In it, I explain how EO13769 and other attacks on science threaten the purpose and functioning of the AOM. The case explores a relatively understudied aspect of leadership: the identity of an organization as distinct from the identity of its leader. It also underscores the importance of strengthening democratic institutions of science. I argue that the issuance of statements of condemnation—while important—does not exhaust our responsibilities in society as scholars for investigating, reporting, defending, and protecting the truth about what is going on in the world around us. I conclude by calling us to redouble our commitment to a defining purpose of the AOM, which is to support the scholarship necessary to overcome polarizing politicization of complex social issues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ach Haqqi

The firehose of falsehood propaganda that occurred in Indonesia, in the presidential and vice presidential elections in 2019, was a political campaign strategy that was know effective sufficient to achieve one goal such as what Donald Trump did in elections in the United States of America. The social media burgeoned was so enable for every candidate to use the firehose of falsehood propaganda technique without exception in Indonesia.


2003 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 841-886
Author(s):  
Ermenegildo Spaziante

The problem of procured abortion is still very actual. The Author has continued to outline the planetary dimensions, and now refers to a statistical study of the incidence of the abortion phenomenon in the United States of America. The placing of the U.S.A in the classification of the incidence of induced abortion within thirty countries of the world is identified, in relation to the natal rate and the consistency of the population. The comparison of the statistical data of the last twenty years among the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and Italy is presented. A specific examination is made for the 50 States of the USA from a statistical point of view, and as a comparative analysis of some socio-economic factors. A significant framework emerges of the analogies and differences between the various States of the USA Federation. The Author presents some ethical and social considerations, wishing for a programmed intervention that is co-ordinated and efficient to contain this “sore of the social body”, as well as the perspective that the USA, which has suffered historically from the serious problem of slavery, should spread the ideal of freedom and human dignity in the world. It is also hoped that there can be a similar movement towards a higher respect, and greater and more systematic help for the new life, as a subject for the recognition as a conceived human being with the natural right to the protection of its life, for progress in the civil and humanitarian conscience.


Author(s):  
Steven L. Taylor

The United States of America has one of the longest, continually functional electoral systems in the world. On one level, the system is seemingly simple, as it is based predominantly on plurality winners in the context of single-seat districts. However, its extensive usage of primary elections adds a nearly unique element to the process of filling elected office. This mechanism is used more extensively in the United States than in any other case. Additionally, the United States has a complex, and unique, system for electing its national executive. All of these factors help create and reinforce one of the most rigid two-party systems in the world.


2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (36) ◽  
pp. 67-73
Author(s):  
Scot M Peterson

The penitentiary in the United States of America originated as a religious institution. Its roots lie in the belief that inmates could reform if they were given an opportunity to engage in reflection, prayer, Bible-reading and work, thus establishing a new personal foundation for functioning as productive members of the larger society. Not surprisingly, given American's predilection for maintaining a secular civil society, this original foundation for the prison eventually fell from favour, and American penological theories became more sociological or psychological in nature. The fact remains, however, that society in the United States is broadly religious, and prisons continue to address the religious beliefs of inmates and how to accommodate those beliefs in a penological setting. This comment provides a case study on this topic, based on littigation concerning the provision of kosher food to Orthodox inmates in the prisons in Colorado.


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