scholarly journals Americans’ perceptions of privacy and surveillance in the COVID-19 pandemic

PLoS ONE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (12) ◽  
pp. e0242652
Author(s):  
Baobao Zhang ◽  
Sarah Kreps ◽  
Nina McMurry ◽  
R. Miles McCain
Keyword(s):  
Conjoint Analysis ◽  
Data Storage ◽  
Electronic Device ◽  
Contact Tracing ◽  
The Public ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Analysis Experiment ◽  
Data Architecture ◽  
The Government ◽  
The U.S

Objective To study the U.S. public’s attitudes toward surveillance measures aimed at curbing the spread of COVID-19, particularly smartphone applications (apps) that supplement traditional contact tracing. Method We deployed a survey of approximately 2,000 American adults to measure support for nine COVID-19 surveillance measures. We assessed attitudes toward contact tracing apps by manipulating six different attributes of a hypothetical app through a conjoint analysis experiment. Results A smaller percentage of respondents support the government encouraging everyone to download and use contact tracing apps (42%) compared with other surveillance measures such as enforcing temperature checks (62%), expanding traditional contact tracing (57%), carrying out centralized quarantine (49%), deploying electronic device monitoring (44%), or implementing immunity passes (44%). Despite partisan differences on a range of surveillance measures, support for the government encouraging digital contact tracing is indistinguishable between Democrats (47%) and Republicans (46%), although more Republicans oppose the policy (39%) compared to Democrats (27%). Of the app features we tested in our conjoint analysis experiment, only one had statistically significant effects on the self-reported likelihood of downloading the app: decentralized data architecture increased the likelihood by 5.4 percentage points. Conclusion Support for public health surveillance policies to curb the spread of COVID-19 is relatively low in the U.S. Contact tracing apps that use decentralized data storage, compared with those that use centralized data storage, are more accepted by the public. While respondents’ support for expanding traditional contact tracing is greater than their support for the government encouraging the public to download and use contact tracing apps, there are smaller partisan differences in support for the latter policy.

scholarly journals Americans' perceptions of privacy and surveillance in the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baobao Zhang ◽  
Sarah E. Kreps ◽  
Nina McMurry ◽  
R. Miles MCain
Keyword(s):  
Conjoint Analysis ◽  
Data Storage ◽  
Public Health Surveillance ◽  
Electronic Device ◽  
Contact Tracing ◽  
The Public ◽  
Analysis Experiment ◽  
Data Architecture ◽  
The Government ◽  
The U.S

ObjectiveTo study the U.S. public’s attitudes toward surveillance measures aimed at curbing the spread of COVID-19, particularly smartphone applications (apps) that supplement traditional contact tracing.MethodWe deployed a survey of approximately 2,000 American adults to measure support for nine COVID-19 surveillance measures. We assessed attitudes toward contact tracing apps by manipulating six different attributes of a hypothetical app through a conjoint analysis experiment.ResultsA smaller percentage of respondents support the government encouraging everyone to download and use contact tracing apps (42%) compared with other surveillance measures such as enforcing temperature checks (62%), expanding traditional contact tracing (57%), carrying out centralized quarantine (49%), deploying electronic device monitoring (44%), or implementing immunity passes (44%). Despite partisan differences on a range of surveillance measures, support for the government encouraging digital contact tracing is indistinguishable between Democrats (47%) and Republicans (46%), although more Republicans oppose the policy (39%) compared to Democrats (27%). Of the app features we tested in our conjoint analysis experiment, only one had statistically significant effects on the self-reported likelihood of downloading the app: decentralized data architecture increased the likelihood by 5.4 percentage points.ConclusionSupport for public health surveillance policies to curb the spread of COVID-19 is relatively low in the U.S. Contact tracing apps that use decentralized data storage, compared with those that use centralized data storage, are more accepted by the public. While respondents’ support for expanding traditional contact tracing is greater than their support for the government encouraging the public to download and use contact tracing apps, there are smaller partisan differences in support for the latter policy.

Basic U. S. Sources For Current Research In International Law: An Elementary Vade-Mecum

1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many ◽  
The U.S

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State

Black Immigrants in the U.S. Labor Market: An Earnings Analysis

1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nasser Daneshvary ◽  
R. Keith Schwer
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Black Immigrants ◽  
Earnings Differentials ◽  
The Public ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
The U.S

This article investigates the existence and sources of earnings differentials between black Americans and black immigrants, and between black and nonblack immigrants. Employing the Public Use Sample of the 1980 census, the gross earnings differentials between black immigrants and black Americans are estimated to be 8.7 percent in favor of Americans (i.e., Americans earn 8.7 percent more than immigrants). About 2 percentage points and 6.7 percentage points of the gross differential are, respectively, due to differences in average characteristics and in returns to the characteristics. The gross differential between black and nonblack immigrants is 22.1 percent in favor of nonblack, of which 13.8 percentage points are due to differences in average characteristics and 8.3 are due to differences in returns to characteristics.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toby C. Rider
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
White House ◽  
The Public ◽  
Psychological Warfare ◽  
The Government ◽  
War Propaganda ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

This concluding chapter considers the scope of the U.S. Cold War propaganda efforts during the late 1950s. In many ways, the 1950s had set the stage for the remainder of the Cold War. The superpower sporting rivalry continued to elevate the political significance of athletic exchanges, track meets, and a range of other competitions and interactions between sportsmen and sportswomen from the East and the West. For the U.S. public, the Olympics were still the source of much debate as each festival arrived on its quadrennial orbit. Victory or defeat at the Olympics clearly remained important to the public and to the White House. Declassified documents also suggest that in the post-Eisenhower years the government was still deploying the Olympics in the service of psychological warfare.

Government and Industry Relations in Cybersecurity

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
Quinn Lanzendorfer
Keyword(s):  
Critical Infrastructure ◽  
President Obama ◽  
The Public ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
Air Space ◽  
Electronic Method ◽  
The Government ◽  
Industry Relationship ◽  
Industry Relations ◽  
The U.S

The existing domains of warfare are land, sea, air, space, and now cyberspace. Once President Obama addressed the public on the cybersecurity threat and Executive Order 13636 was issued, the government gained traction in creating policy and collaborating with industry to gain a better presence in the U.S. Industry owns, operates, and controls most of the critical infrastructure in the U.S. and is perceived to have better knowledge, skills, and abilities in cybersecurity operations and capabilities. This study seeks to fill a gap that currently exists in scholarly research in the areas of partnerships in cybersecurity. Using the innovative e-Delphi electronic method to collect qualitative and quantitative data from experts, this study explores the competency, expertise, and partnership aspects of the U.S. Government and industry relationship in cybersecurity organizations.

The Marcona Settlement: New Forms of Negotiation and Compensation for Nationalized Property

1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 474-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Gantz
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Country ◽  
The Public ◽  
Third World Country ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The U.S

On September 22, 1976, the United States and the Government of Peru signed an agreement resolving the nationalization of the Marcona Mining Company’s Peruvian branch. The settlement, the intergovernmental negotiations leading up to it, and the expropriation itself are of more than passing interest. The settlement has been characterized by the U.S. Government as providing, when fully implemented, prompt, adequate, and effective compensation through a package—a combination of cash and long term sales relationship—which represents a relatively beneficial arrangement economically and politically for the Government of Peru. These arrangements were the more remarkable for having been concluded with a leading Third World country that has a long history of nationalization of foreign investment. In light of the frequency of expropriations of American-owned property abroad, and of the fact that in one or more ways such expropriations involve issues of the public interest as well as those of private U.S. companies, the Marcona settlement has implications for the handling of other investment disputes.

scholarly journals Mask-wearing increased after a government recommendation: A natural experiment in the U.S. during the COVID-19 pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew H. Goldberg ◽  
Abel Gustafson ◽  
Edward Maibach ◽  
Matthew Thomas Ballew ◽  
Parrish Bergquist ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Protective Behaviors ◽  
Buying Behavior ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Health Crisis ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Control And Prevention ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

On April 3 2020, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommended that all Americans wear face masks to prevent the spread of COVID-19. The announcement came during the fielding of a large, nationally-representative survey (N = 3,933) of Americans’ COVID-19-related knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors, providing an opportunity to measure the impact of the CDC’s recommendation on public reported mask wearing and buying behavior. The study found significant increases in reported mask wearing (+12 percentage points) and mask buying (+7 points). These findings indicate the speed with which government recommendations can affect the adoption of protective behaviors by the public. The results demonstrate the importance of national leadership and communication during a public health crisis.

Good and Evil in the Chairmen's 'Boiler Plate': An Analysis of Corporate Visions of the 1970s

1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie E. Kendall
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Annual Report ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Public ◽  
Self Image ◽  
Public Interest Groups ◽  
The Government ◽  
Good And Evil ◽  
The U.S

Boiler plates, the chairman's message that begins each corporation's annual report, provide a reflection of the self-image of American big business. This paper uses the method of dramatism for discovering and interpreting corporate dramas inherent in the language of the boiler plates of the Dow Jones Industrials. The U.S. economy of the 1970s provides the dramatic setting, with the company as hero, the government as villain and public interest groups as minor players. The overriding corporate drama can be traced to the archetypal drama of pure competition. Understanding corporate dramas allows us to see how companies create a shared rhetorical vision to unify their shareholders with management and employees, label actions as good or evil, and influence the public by putting forward a positive corporate self-image.

Places of Protest: The Public Forum in Principle and Practice

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
John McCarthy ◽  
Clark McPhail
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Historical Time ◽  
Public Forum ◽  
The Public ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Unrestricted Access ◽  
The Government ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Do So

Protest events occur in historical time and geographical place. In the U.S., some places are now constitutionally privileged with respect to citizen access and free assembly and speech. These venues are known as the traditional commons or the public forum. It is our contention that in recent years (1) these spaces have been shrinking in number, (2) citizens have experienced increasing difficulty in gaining unrestricted access to them, and (3) such venues are no longer where most people typically congregate in large numbers. Nevertheless, as we will show, when citizens gather to express dissenting views toward the government at the turn of the twentieth century they overwhelmingly choose spaces in the public forum to do so.

“Private” and “Public”; Analysis Amid Ambiguity in Higher Education

1986 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel C. Levy
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Public Universities ◽  
Private Higher Education ◽  
Alma Mater ◽  
The Public ◽  
Behavioral Criterion ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Desperate Attempt ◽  
The U.S

When a well-bred Yale alumnus like William F. Buckley, Jr., sardonically suggests that his alma mater donate itself to the state of Connecticut (“To tell the truth, I don’t know that anything much would happen.”), some conventional assumptions require reexamination. Chief among these is the much ballyhooed distinction between “private” and “public.” Analysis reveals serious ambiguities. We lack an agreed-upon notion of what defines our types. Different observers define the private-public split by different criteria. In fact, criteria are usually implicit and fuzzy, but even when they are explicit and clear, they vary. What defines a private institution for one observer does not do so for another. And the problem goes beyond this definitional conflict. As will be shown at least for higher education, no behavioral criterion or set of criteria consistently distinguishes institutions legally designated private from institutions legally designated public. Surely this volume’s chapters, on both schools and universities, arrive at no such criteria; instead, as discussed below, several provide evidence of increasing private-public blurring. In a desperate attempt to reassert its distinctiveness, the U.S. private higher-education sector has recently rebaptized itself “the independent sector.” The new nomenclature, while it brings private higher education under a terminological umbrella widely used by the U.S. nonprofit world, contributes nothing to definitional clarity. It is simultaneously intended to legitimize the private sector’s claim to the public dollar (by downplaying privateness) and yet to distinguish that sector from the public sector by emphasizing its autonomy from government. The first aim, of course, undermines the second. Looking abroad seems to frustrate yearnings for clear definitional usage. England, for example, long noted for its paradoxical labeling of private and public secondary education, offers an ambiguous picture at higher levels as well. All the universities, even those financed over 90% by the government, form what is still frequently called the autonomous or private sector, distinct not from public universities but from the technical sector of higher education (which is consensually considered public). Increasingly, however, one hears England’s universities identified as public.

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