Inventing in a Crisis: Lighting the United States after the 1973 Oil Embargo

2021 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1143-1171
Author(s):  
Harold D. Wallace
Author(s):  
James R. Longanbach

The amount of oil imported into the United States in the last few years has increased sharply, and has again reached the point where the U.S. may be faced with an oil embargo by foreign oil suppliers. A large part of this oil is used in heat engines, for transportation and for the production of power during periods of peak demand.


Daedalus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 141 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Graetz

The United States was remarkably complacent about energy policy until the Arab oil embargo of 1973. Since then, we have relied on unnecessarily costly regulations and poorly designed subsidies to mandate or encourage particular forms of energy production and use. Our presidents have quested after an elusive technological “silver bullet.” Congress has elevated parochial interests and short-term political advantages over national needs. Despite the thousands of pages of energy legislation enacted over the past four decades, Congress has never demanded that Americans pay a price that reflects the full costs of the energy they consume. Given our nation's economic fragility, our difficult fiscal situation, and the daunting challenges of achieving energy security and limiting climate change, we can no longer afford second- and third-best policies. This essay discusses the failures of the past and how we might avoid repeating them.


Author(s):  
Dale C. Copeland

This chapter focuses on the nine months leading up to the attack on the United States on December 7, 1941. It begins with a look at US–Japanese talks in spring 1941. The chapter then explores why the US–Japanese agreement fell apart in late June 1941, after which it examines Roosevelt and US secretary of state Cordell Hull's willingness to restart talks with Tokyo in late August and their subsequent suspension of the talks in early September. Finally, the chapter discusses the last three months of peace and aborted final round of negotiations in late November 1941. It shows that US officials were highly aware that Japan's desperate economic situation, caused by the American oil embargo, was driving Tokyo into war.


Author(s):  
Victor McFarland

The relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia has shaped the history of both countries. Soon after the Saudi kingdom was founded in 1932, American geologists discovered enormous oil reserves near the Persian Gulf. Oil-driven development transformed Saudi society. Many Americans came to work in Saudi Arabia, while thousands of Saudis studied and traveled in the United States. During the mid-20th century, the American-owned oil company Aramco and the US government worked to strengthen the Saudi regime and empower conservative forces in the kingdom—not only to protect American oil interests, but also to suppress nationalist and leftist movements in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere in the Middle East. The partnership was complicated by disagreement over Israel, triggering an Arab oil embargo against the United States in 1973–1974. During the 1970s, Saudi Arabia became the world’s largest oil exporter, nationalized Aramco, and benefited from surging oil prices. In partnership with the United States, it used its new wealth at home to launch a huge economic development program, and abroad to subsidize political allies like the Afghan mujahideen. The United States led a massive military operation to expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1990–1991, protecting the Saudi regime but angering Saudis who opposed their government’s close relationship with the United States. One result was the rise of Osama bin Laden’s al-Qaeda network and the 9/11 attacks, carried out by a largely Saudi group of hijackers. Despite public opposition on both sides, after 2001 the United States and Saudi Arabia continued their commercial relationship and their political partnership, originally directed against the Soviet Union and Nasser’s Egypt, and later increasingly aimed at Iran.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter R. Baehr

THE SUBJECT OF PARLIAMENTARY CONTROL OVER FOREIGN POLICY IN the Netherlands has increased in importance in recent months following the latest Arab-Israeli war and the ensuing reduction in Arab oil production. In addition to their general cutback of oil production, the Arab states singled out the United States and the Netherlands as ‘friends of Israel’ to whom oil supplies were to be limited even further. While the United States seemed an obvious target for such an embargo because of its open political and military support of Israel, opinions still differ as to why the Netherlands received this dubious distinction. The most obvious explanation - the traditional political and moral support for Israel by all Dutch governments, whatever their political composition - has not been universally accepted. Some commentators, including Foreign Minister Van der Stoel, have assumed that the Arab states wanted to put pressure on the entire Western European economy by hitting the important oil retining capacity of Rotterdam. This it was hoped would lead to a demand from economic circles to support the Arab cause. Whatever the underlying reasons, the oil embargo has had important consequences for the economic life of the Netherlands.


Author(s):  
Robert B. Matthews ◽  
Eric Steglich

Dependence on foreign oil by the United States of America creates massive problems from the economic, environmental, and national security perspectives. In recognition of this reality, the USA embarked upon an energy independence plan in the mid-1970s, following the Arab oil embargo that accompanied the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Unfortunately, this effort has failed to the extent that the USA is more dependent upon foreign oil today than it was in 1976. At about the same time that the USA initiated its energy effort, a similar effort was also initiated in the South American nation of Brazil, which like the USA was alarmingly dependent upon foreign oil and had sustained substantial economic hardship as a result of the Arab embargo. Today, Brazil is substantially energy independent, and in fact exports oil to the USA. Obviously, Brazil implemented a more effective energy independence effort than did the USA. Lessons which the author believes may be learned from the Brazilian experience are that solving the problem requires that all possible solutions be pursued simultaneously with maximum vigor, that maximum use should be made of existing usable technology rather than waiting for laboratory-scale technologies to be perfected, and that solutions will be reached much faster if the private sector is actively engaged in a cooperative rather than adversarial manner. With these principles in mind, we review available alternatives and propose a comprehensive energy strategy that reduces the USAs dependence on foreign oil in the short run, and ultimately eliminates that dependence in the long run. We further enunciate reasons for believing that such an integrated strategy is far superior to any effort to address the problem by focusing solely upon conservation, or alternative fuels, or drill here, drill now, to the exclusion or minimization of the other approaches. We conclude with a proposed plan for implementing the all hands on deck approach to energy independence.


Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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