Expanding Our Confines: State History Journals and Midwestern History

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-22
Author(s):  
Dawn E. Bakken
Author(s):  
Adam Stankevič

The article analyses some episodes from biography and the daily life of elder of Merkinė, vogt and colonel of a petyhorcy unit of the armed forces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania Mateusz Ogiński (1738–1786). On the basis of the documents preserved in the Ogiński foundation of the Lithuanian State history archive (F. 1177), the article argues that Mateusz Ogiński was mainly occupied with the maintenance of his properties and litigation in courts, not actually seeking any political or public career. He personally issued directions to the stewards of his properties and controlled execution of his orders. Somewhere close to the First Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1772) he was known for the detailed regulation of his economic activities. He put effort to concentrate in his hands some real estate (by buying plots and houses in Merkinė), invested and developed various businesses (renting a windmill and a pub, operating a coffee shop, building a sawmill and a brickyard, fishing, shipping timber to Konigsberg, renovating Merkinė’s town hall, etc.). Later M. Ogiński was often renting out his properties to other individuals, but that had a negative influence on his possessions. Lifestyle that disregarded the income made M. Ogiński drown in debt early, and he entered a loop of having to start borrowing to pay debts. Elder of Merkinė Ogiński would borrow and spend large sums of money to make purchases of various items of luxury abroad and in Lithuania (clothes, jewellery, alcohol, species, fruits, etc.), and to maintain his manor and even a folk music group. M. Ogiński litigated in many Lithuanian courts and, judging from his letters (and quite many of them survived), he would have inhabited these litigation processes, taking interest in legal nuances and using different opportunities to influence court processes to his advantage (making acquaintance with judges, looking for third party interceders, writing letters to judges, and personally participating in court proceedings). Most common lawsuits against him were about unpaid debts, yet his own claims were against stewards of his properties, and real estate rights. Keywords: eldership of Merkinė, the Ogiński, daily routine, economics, courts.


2020 ◽  
pp. 026101832097850
Author(s):  
Anika Seemann

This article critically examines the Danish ‘ghetto initiatives’ of 2004, 2010, 2013 and 2018, with a particular focus on their implications for ‘social citizenship’. Its approach is twofold: firstly, it explores how each of the four major ghetto initiatives constructed ghettos and their residents as a problem for the welfare state, and what policy measures were proposed to address the problems identified. Secondly, it examines the legislative changes that resulted from each of the ghetto initiatives and assesses their implications for social citizenship. In doing so, it relates its findings to the different developmental stages of social citizenship in Danish welfare state history. The article argues that the ghetto initiatives have led to an unprecedented spatialization and ethnicization of social citizenship which mark a radical departure from the guiding principles of post-1945 Danish welfare thought and practice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-645 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Eramian

ABSTRACTFollowing the 1994 genocide, scholars have criticised the Rwandan government's official account of national history and its restrictions on competing historical narratives. But what might Rwandans be doing with that state narrativebesidesconforming to it out of fear of reprisal? I argue that to understand what sustains official narratives we must grasp not only their coercive aspects, but also how social actors put them to work for different reasons. I offer four possible forms of agency in which Rwandans engage when they reproduce official history to show how – while forcibly imposed – government narratives are nonetheless cultural resources that people can turn to personal and collective visions, projects and desires. The article aims to develop a more robust understanding of how people respond to imposed narratives of nationhood and history, since it is important to attend not only to resistance, but also conformity to them.


Author(s):  
Olha Zubko ◽  

This article informs about the impact of scientific and technological progress of the 1920s on everyday life of the Ukrainian emigration center in the interwar period of Czechoslovakia in 1918-1939. First of all, it is referred to technological novelties of the period in 1921-1929: cinematography, television, automobile manufacturing, fashion, medical industry, telegraph, and bank and post transfers. The proposed topic has not been submitted to the scientific audience yet, as far as the life of the Ukrainian emigration in the interwar of Czechoslovak Republic was considered mainly in the context of political and sociocultural work both emigrants themselves and the latest Ukrainian, Czech and Slovak historians. It is focused on two pointsin the proposed scientific intelligence: consideration of the everyday life of anti-Bolshevist emigration and of the lives of Ukrainian immigrants in Czechoslovakia which were arbitrarily distributed for four periods: 1918-1921, 1921-1925, 1925-1933, 1933-1939, all of which had its own specific features. Consideration of the Ukrainian everyday emigration life in the years 1921–1929 in the interwar of Czechoslovakia carried out with the help ofrecollection, memoirs, postal correspondence (letters) and archival documentation. Therefore, it implies the usage of general methods of the scientific research: analysis, analogy, historical and logical methods. The emigrational routine is a farsighted direction of the historical research, because it is the history of the small vivid worlds, peculiar alternative to the researches which are focused on global political and social processes and events.Everyday life is not minted in special decrees or laws;it is notrecorded in programs and speeches, as far as political and state history, and it is not honed by the financial gains in the economy, and by the cultural monuments, though it always exists like air, it goes unnoticed as time.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vyacheslavovich Krasinsky ◽  
Vladislav Valerevich Mashko

China Report ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
L.H.M. Ling

The concept of ‘soft power’ impoverishes our understanding of politics. It assumes (i) the world has never encountered instances of ‘soft power’ before or knows no better when encountering it; (ii) culture cannot have any interests, agency or impact of its own; and (iii) it cannot capture the state. History—especially from India and China—debunks these assumptions. I propose a contrasting concept, cultural power. It turns ‘soft power’ on its head by (i) articulating the state as ontology, not instrument; accordingly, (ii) culture can generate its own centre (or centres) of gravitas that (iii) invariably outstrips the state in purpose and identity. To demonstrate, I draw on recent filmic representations from India and China. These replay the power of historical culture, like Hindu reincarnation and/or Confucian love, through a contemporary venue. I conclude with some implications of cultural power for politics, in general, and world politics, in particular.


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