The Best Defense Is a Good Offense: The Stennis Amendment and the Fracturing of Liberal School Desegregation Policy, 1964–1972

2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Crespino

In December 1969, Governor John Bell Williams of Mississippi, one of the most notorious southern segregationists, proposed a $1 million program financed by the Mississippi state legislature to file school desegregation suits in northern states. “For fifteen years we have been on the defense,” Williams said. “Now we are going on the offense.” Williams's campaign was just one example of an odd but familiar trend that had emerged by 1970. Some of the most determined southern segregationists became enthusiastic supporters of northern school desegregation. In January 1970, the attorneys general in Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida announced plans to intervene as friends of the court in a Pasadena, California, school desegregation case. In February 1970, the governor of Louisiana appealed to citizens of his state to fund a nationwide television campaign calling for equal treatment between northern and southern schools. Most important, that same month, U.S. Senator John C. Stennis of Mississippi carried the fight to the floor of the Senate. He introduced an amendment to a federal education bill that called for equal desegregation efforts in both the North and the South, regardless of whether the segregation resulted from state action or residential patterns. Stennis complained that the federal government was pursuing a regional desegregation plan. His ostensible goal was to bring about “one uniform policy” on school desegregation, “applicable nationwide.” But the real motivation, which almost every southern official conceded, was the hope that accelerated desegregation in the North would spark a broader, national backlash against school desegregation.

Author(s):  
Stève Sainlaude

Europe’s dependency on North American cotton gave the South leverage. Once hostilities began, the Confederates hoped to inspire a diplomatic choice in their favour through economic pressure since France and Britain felt the effects of the “cotton famine.” The Tuileries cabinet tried to determine the origin of the shortage while assessing the real impact of the crisis on the workforce. Though it initially seemed that the North’s blockade of Southern ports was to blame, proof was uncovered that the cotton supply was being intentionally limited with the Southern leaders’ assent, with some Southern planters burning their cotton rather than see it fall into the hands of Northerners. The effects of the cotton crisis were less dramatic than first expected due to the existence of a cotton surplus in France right before the war, alternate suppliers outside Dixie, and the relatively low number of French workers who were directly dependent on cotton. France also did not lose sight of trade in wheat and other products with the states loyal to the Federal government. This concern for trade in the North explains why France, like the United Kingdom, confounded Southern expectations by not recognizing the Confederacy or otherwise intervening in the conflict.


2011 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-104
Author(s):  
Dionne Danns

Throughout American history, African American communities have fought for desegregated education, equal school funding, and the right to a quality education. Many activists and scholars have long believed that a racially desegregated education would be the best way to educate citizens in a democratic society. Segregated education has historically been a reality for many African Americans throughout the nation. Before the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) successfully won the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court case, much of the attention to racial segregation was paid to the South, although there had been numerous cases fought in the North before the Brown decision. After Brown, the NAACP decided to take their school desegregation litigation to the North in an effort to fight de facto segregation. The federal government also became involved in school desegregation with the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act (Title IV and VI) and through the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) and the Justice Department who enforced the act. Court cases, along with the federal government efforts, pushed school districts in the North and South to desegregate.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Anthony Gray

In the recent Fortescue decision, the High Court made some interesting observations regarding interpretation of the word ‘discrimination’ in the context of the Federal Government's power with respect to taxation in s 51(2) of the Australian Constitution. Coincidentally, the Federal Government has commenced consideration of options for the development of northern regions of Australia. Of course, one option would be to introduce a variable taxation system to encourage businesses and individuals to be based, and/or invest, in northern Australia. This article considers possible constitutional issues associated with variable taxation schemes overtly favouring businesses and individuals based in the ‘north’, given the recent High Court decision.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsey Haynes-Maslow ◽  
Stephanie B. Jilcott Pitts ◽  
Kathryn A. Boys ◽  
Jared T. McGuirt ◽  
Sheila Fleischhacker ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The North Carolina Healthy Food Small Retailer Program (NC HFSRP) was established through a policy passed by the state legislature to provide funding for small food retailers located in food deserts with the goal of increasing access to and sales of healthy foods and beverages among local residents. The purpose of this study was to qualitatively examine perceptions of the NC HFSRP among store customers. Methods Qualitative interviews were conducted with 29 customers from five NC HFSRP stores in food deserts across eastern NC. Interview questions were related to shoppers’ food and beverage purchases at NC HFSRP stores, whether they had noticed any in-store efforts to promote healthier foods and beverages, their suggestions for promoting healthier foods and beverages, their familiarity with and support of the NC HFSRP, and how their shopping and consumption habits had changed since implementation of the NC HFSRP. A codebook was developed based on deductive (from the interview guide questions) and inductive (emerged from the data) codes and operational definitions. Verbatim transcripts were double-coded and a thematic analysis was conducted based on code frequency, and depth of participant responses for each code. Results Although very few participants were aware of the NC HFSRP legislation, they recognized changes within the store. Customers noted that the provision of healthier foods and beverages in the store had encouraged them to make healthier purchase and consumption choices. When a description of the NC HFSRP was provided to them, all participants were supportive of the state-funded program. Participants discussed program benefits including improving food access in low-income and/or rural areas and making healthy choices easier for youth and for those most at risk of diet-related chronic diseases. Conclusions Findings can inform future healthy corner store initiatives in terms of framing a rationale for funding or policies by focusing on increased food access among vulnerable populations.


Author(s):  
Matías A. Valenzuela ◽  
Francisco Hernandez ◽  
Nicolás A. Valenzuela ◽  
Flavio H. Álvarez ◽  
Hernan Pinto

<p>During the last five years, the north of Chile was impacted by several natural disasters not considered in the traditional code design. During 2015 a great rain fall occurred in a desert zone, it is not prepared by this amount of water, producing soil and debris currents from the mountain to the sea (about 100 km).</p><p>These phenomena produced an important damage in the infrastructure, specially focused on roads and bridges. The main damage detected was the collapse of the infrastructure (piers and abutment) and the unlinking between deck and piers.</p><p>This paper presents a proposal methodology to assess the effect of these currents on bridges, using the case of study of the Chañaral Bridge, a multi-supported bridge, with four concrete girders, slab girder and two spans of 20 meters supported in two abutments and one concrete pier, over the Charañal River.</p><p>A sensitive hydraulic analysis via FEM was carried out using non-Newtonian flows (high density) representing the real final topography-condition of the current. A FEM of the bridge was carried out too considering a Non- Linear transient load. The inputs for model are the outputs from the hydraulic model in order to define the condition that produce the same collapse behavior showed after the real debris current.</p><p>Finally, results of this methodology are discussed, providing a comprehensive methodology, step by step, in order to obtained similar results according to the 2015 event.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 234 ◽  
pp. 06004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svetoslav Martinov

The present study is aimed at increasing the accuracy of multi-criteria evaluation of alternatives in selecting a location for establishing an intermodal terminal in the North-Central planning development region of Bulgaria. A model has been used in the paper that allows us to increase the accuracy of multicriteria evaluation of all studied alternatives. This has been achieved by converting the values of various units into identical dimensionless units within a defined interval. It makes it possible to do an evaluation of the alternatives by using the real values of the criteria. The model has been used for multi-criteria evaluation of the alternatives in selecting a location for establishing an intermodal terminal in the city of Ruse. The results have been compared with the results of a pre-feasibility study of establishing an intermodal terminal in the city of Ruse in the North-Central planning development region of Bulgaria.


1965 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard L. Sklar

There are three basic contradictions in the Nigerian political system. They may be stated briefly at the outset. First, the machinery of government is basically regionalised, but the party machinery—the organisation of the masses—retains a strong trans-regional and anti-regional tendency. Secondly, the main opposition party has relied upon the support of a class-conscious regional power group in its drive against the system of regional power. Depending upon a regional section of the political class to effect a shift in the class content of power, it was really asking that section to commit suicide. This contradiction produced a crisis in the Western Region which might easily be repeated elsewhere. Thirdly, the constitutional allocation of power is inconsistent with the real distribution of power in society. The constitution gives dominant power to the numerical majority—i.e., under existing conditions, to the north—but the real distribution of power is determined by technological development, in which respect the south is superior.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-197
Author(s):  
Luiz Fernando de Paula

This paper examines the Brazilian economy during the COVID-19 pandemic and the economic policies implemented in 2020 to address the economic and social crisis. Using primary and secondary sources, the article differs in its analysis from other heterodox approaches according to which state action in response to the pandemic crisis in Brazil was weak and inconsistent. It is argued that counter-cyclical actions, especially those relating to emergency aid, have had a strong counter-cyclical effect on the economy and on reducing poverty and social inequality, even though there was no strategy previously coordinated by the federal government. The article concludes that the poor outlook for the Brazilian economy relates to both the resumption of orthodox policies and the unleashing of a second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, both contributing to a slow recovery of the Brazilian economy.


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