scholarly journals Prospektives versus retrospektives Argumentieren.

2019 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-69
Author(s):  
Irene Kunert

This study aims to investigate the linguistic differences between an argumentation referring to a potential future action (prospective argumentation) and one justifying a past action (retrospective argumentation) in the parliamentary arena. It is based on the analysis of German and French speeches taken from the protocols of the plenary sessions of the European Parliament. In a plenary session, parliamentary votes are preceded by a general debate. During this debate, speakers may give reasons supporting their own choice in an upcoming vote, but they may also try to persuade other Members of Parliament to vote the same way. This argumentation is prospective. After the vote, Members may give an oral or written explanation of vote designed to justify their decision. The argumentative orientation in this case is retrospective. In an exemplary approach, 50 speeches per language (German/French) and communication situation (prospective/retrospective) will be analyzed. The study argues that the macrostructure of the speeches is influenced by the orientation of the conclusion: In a prospective argumentation, speakers tend to first present their arguments before coming up with their conclusion, the conclusion being a declaration of one’s own intent to vote or a recommendation for other Members of Parliament. In a prototypical explanation of vote, the conclusion precedes the arguments. Special attention is given to the analysis of argument and conclusion markers. The study tries to show that conclusion markers are relatively more frequent in prospective argumentation, while retrospective argumentation makes broader use of argument markers.

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 562-574
Author(s):  
Björn-Christian Kleih

It is widely assumed that members of parliament are not to criticize how the President of Parliament chairs a plenary session . The Constitutional Court of Baden-Württemberg, however, ruled that such criticism must not be treated as a breach of regulations if present­ed in an objective manner and to an appropriate extent . The court stated that, insofar, protection of the presidential authority was not an argument to justify the restriction of the right to speak . This article turns against this point of view . Presidential authority requires special protection for several reasons, in particular as it is closely linked to the functioning of Parliament . It must therefore be admissible for Parliament to set up a comprehensive taboo of criticism during its sessions .


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Windratmo Suwarno

ABSTRACTIndonesia will continue to face a discrimination of palm commodity in European Union in the next decade. The challenge the European black campaign against palm oil is not easy to overcome. Most of European people have a bad perception about palm oil. The issue of palm oil is not only about the forestation, but also it is influenced by bad perception on health and social impact. It is a time for Indonesian diplomacy to make a strategy to resolve this issue by improving public diplomacy through lobbying, corporate diplomacy and identification of stakeholders. Although in the European Parliament statement does not mention the elimination of palm oil, discrimination against palm oil will continue in the trilogy. Palm oil must face accusations from various interested parties such as NGOs and members of parliament who have relations with farmers in Europe. They have a strategy to phase out using palm oil for biofuels. The issue of palm oil is not only about a battle of the vegetable industry anymore, but it is more about politics to defend other vegetable oil in the market by disseminating any kind issues related to oil palm plantation. It must be deal with the total diplomacy taken by all stakeholders in Indonesia and in Europe.           Key words: oil palm, public diplomacy, biofuels, European Parliament


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