scholarly journals Ideologies in Nigerian Stand-up Comedy

2019 ◽  
Vol 100 (7) ◽  
pp. 141-158
Author(s):  
Ibukun Finali ◽  
Temitope Michael Ajayi
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociocultural Context ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Stand Up Comedy ◽  
First Category ◽  
Language And Ideology

The bond between language and ideology has caught the attention of discourse analysts. Investigating this bond, discourse analysts have further demonstrated that everyday interactions are embedded in and with different ideologies. Likewise, the performance of humour is motivated by the interlocutors’ ideological inclinations. On the strength of these propositions, this study attempts a critical analysis of the ideologies in selected Nigerian stand-up comedy routines (NSC), with particular reference to Fairclough and Wodak’s notions of ideology in discourse. Routines were purposively selected from editions of “Night of a Thousand Laughs” (NTL), the earliest stand-up event and a stand-up comedy road show in Nigeria, so as to focus on the performances of practicing and professional stand-up comedians in the country. Two categories of ideologies were found in NSC routines: the first relates to the art of comedy performance while the second relates to the country’s sociocultural context. In the first category, the comedians project stand-up comedy as a “dignified” profession, while in the second, they draw from sociocultural beliefs in order to project their ideologies about gender, ethnicity and the political class.

Eenpartijstaten in Zwart Afrika : Evolutie, recente ontwikkelingen, perspectieven

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-179
Author(s):  
Filip Reyntjens
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Party Ideology ◽  
Coups D'etat ◽  
Party State

Together with the emergence of strong executive presidencies and the frequency of coups d'Etat, the single party is one of the striking features of the political development in Africa South of the Sahara since 1960.More than half the countries of the continent are presently under one-party rule. This article attempts to analyse the origins, recent developments, and perspectives in the field of African single-party states. Sameelements favourable to the emergence of this phenomenon were the colonial heritage, the precolonial tradition, and the aura of legitimacy of the national liberation movements. Several techniques were usedby African leaders to impose rule by one party; distinction is made between political, legal and institutional, and authoritarian means. African leaders have relied on several justifications to rationalise the introduction of such regimes : economie development, national unity and nation-building, the absence of class-differentiation, the unanimitarian tradition, and the need to give constitutional recognition to a de facto situation. A critical  analysis shows that these arguments do not, in general, withstand closer examination. The conclusion is that the single-party «ideology» serves mainly to protect the hegemony of a small and privileged political class of rulers against challenge of its position. As far as perspectives are concerned, three possibilities seem to be developing simultaneously : the Party-State, the no-party state, and the multi-party state. It is argued in a conclusion that the single-party state need not be undemocratic ; some conditions for a democratic one-party system are set forth.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Board-level employee representation in the Visegrád countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zybała
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
National Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Employee Representation ◽  
Policy Paradigm ◽  
Labour Participation ◽  
Board Level ◽  
Practical Agenda ◽  
Visegrád Countries

This article addresses the complexity of trade-union approaches to board-level employee representation in the Visegrád countries, and the barriers it faces in particular national settings. Trade unionists in these countries accept the relevance of such employee representation in theory, but their practical agenda covers other issues which they perceive as more important as they struggle to survive at many levels of activity, and face growing existential uncertainty and risk. Unions also lack capacity to overcome obstacles such as reluctance on the part of the political class and managerial hostility to board-level representation; they cannot exert influence on major policy decisions at national level. They are operating in a more and more difficult environment, reflecting not merely a declining membership base, but also the recent economic crisis that failed to change the economic policy paradigm in the Visegrád countries: policies there still rely on a neoliberal approach and hence are not conducive to labour participation. What can still be seen as the predominant model is the traditional one of the market economy in which rights of ownership reign supreme.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

The Exceptionality of Jordan and its Democracy in King Hussein’s Last Speech From the Throne

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ahmad El-Sharif
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociocultural Context ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Critical Metaphor Analysis ◽  
Political Structures

The Late King Hussein’s last Speech from the Throne in 1997 was given amidst public outcry over the outcomes of the parliamentary elections which resulted the triumph tribal figures with regional affiliations after the boycott of most political parties. This brought to public debate the questions of maintain the long-established balance between the several socio-political structures in the political life in Jordan. While the speech can be perceived as a reflection of King Hussein’s vision about ‘Jordanian democracy’, it can also be interpreted as an elaborate scheme to construct the conventional understanding of the exceptionality of Jordan and its socio-political institutions; including democracy. This article discusses the representation of ‘Jordanian democracy’, the state, and the socio-political structures in Jordan as reflected in the Late King’s last speech from the throne (1997). The analytical framework follows a critical metaphor analysis perspective in which all instances of metaphors used to epitomise these issues are primarily acknowledged from there sociocultural context. Herein, the article focuses on revealing the aspect of metaphorical language by which the Late King Hussein legitimizes and, hence, constructs, the prevailing ideology pf the ‘exceptionality’ of Jordan.

scholarly journals HORAS “IN ITINERE” E A HIPOSSUFICIÊNCIA DO TRABALHADOR RURAL NA REFORMA TRABALHISTA

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (Especial 2) ◽  
pp. 852-857
Author(s):  
Clarissa Manzano Dos Santos Falconi
Keyword(s):  
Human Dignity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Labor Reform ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Guiding Principle ◽  
Rural Worker ◽  
Deductive Method ◽  
The Hours

The present study deals with the impacts of the Labor Reform in the hours "in itinere" for the rural worker, with the objective of demonstrating the lack of representativeness of these workers in the legislative process and their hypersufficiency before employers and State, resulting in the analysis of the profiles of the congressmen of the ruralist groups and their party interests and the rural worker, using as an inductive and hypothetical-deductive method and concluding by the discrepancy between the interests of the workers and the political class, making at least a representation that seeks the protection of human dignity and the guiding principle in the design of projects for the category.

scholarly journals On the Issue of the Substitution of Concepts in Determining the Subjects of the Political System of Society (Based on a Critical Analysis of Modern Legal Literature on the Theory of State and Law)

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-236
Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scientific Article ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Educational Literature ◽  
Legal Literature ◽  
Logical Error

This scientific article is devoted to some theoretical problems of the theory of the political system of society. The purpose of the article is to show the true, objective position in relation to the subjects of the political system. To solve this goal, the following tasks were set: a critical analysis of the opinions of those authors who consider as such: 1) criminal communities; 2) public organizations with an insignificant political aspect. Moreover, both in the first and in the second case, it has been proven that scientists are engaged in the substitution of concepts, that is, they commit a logical error. Result: 1) criminal associations are not subjects of the political system of society; 2) according to the political criterion, it is necessary to distinguish only proper political and not proper political organizations; 3) general theoretical provisions, opposite to those stated, differing in illogicality, do not contribute to improving the quality of educational literature on the theory of state and law.

scholarly journals Writing the Irish past: An investigation into post-primary Irish history textbook emphases and historiography, 1921–69

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Colm Mac Gearailt
Keyword(s):  
Primary Schools ◽  
Religious Orientation ◽  
History Textbooks ◽  
Primary Students ◽  
Free State ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Textbook ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Primary Level ◽  
Irish History

This paper maintains a focus on textbooks published and used at post-primary level in the Irish Free State/Republic of Ireland between the 1920s and late 1960s, in the initial decades of the nascent Free State. Viewed by many as the closest way, after direct fieldwork, of finding out the content of teaching, textbooks have also been seen to act as condensed versions of the society that produced them. The textbooks used rarely changed during this period, for a number of reasons, both practical and ideological. Consequently, it can be accepted that a reasonably similar account of the Irish past was transmitted in print to post-primary students across the period. The article offers an investigation into Irish history textbook historiography, and highlights select examples of how this affected the version of the Irish past being transmitted in print in Irish post-primary schools. It provides the first quantitative analysis and comparison of the central Irish history textbooks in operation during this period. By establishing what textbooks were in use, discussing who they were written by, and then by analysing, cross-comparing and examining their respective emphases, this paper offers an understanding of the general narrative of Irish history as portrayed in secondary schools, from this textual perspective. It focuses predominantly on content inclusion and scope, as opposed to how this content was engaged with. Ultimately, this paper argues that a general narrative of Irish history was maintained across each of the textbooks, which tended to focus on a traditional 'great man' approach to history, with a strong emphasis on high politics. That said, this was not oppressive or rigid, as there was no single consensus view as to what aspects of Irish history were most important within this tradition, with different emphases being placed on various events and figures in Irish history. These differences varied according to the political, class and religious orientation of the author.

scholarly journals Reflexões acerca do movimento ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspiradas pelas teorias de Paulo Freire e Pierre Bourdieu

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovanka Mariana de Genova Ferreira ◽  
Gisele Pereira de Souza
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Pierre Bourdieu ◽  
Paulo Freire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Individual

Ao analisar as teorias de Pierre Bourdieu e Paulo Freire sobre educação, bem como a posição acadêmica e política dos autores sobre o tema, o artigo pretende refletir sobre projeto ‘Escola sem Partido’ e sua implicação em relação à prática dentro da sala de aula. Tal movimento que, nos últimos tempos, ganhou destaque no cenário brasileiro é contra o que chama de doutrinação política e ideológica dos alunos por parte dos professores e a usurpação dos direitos dos pais na educação moral e religiosa de seus filhos. Constatou-se que no cenário brasileiro atual existe uma iniciativa de diminuir a força da análise crítica dentro das escolas. A própria natureza do ‘Escola sem Partido’ traz essa premissa, pois a intenção de desmerecer a posição política do professor junto aos seus alunos demonstra que o propósito seja desqualificar a iniciativa de incentivar uma consciência crítica, o que, de múltiplas formas discutidas no presente estudo, colabora para que a relação oprimido e opressor prospere.Palavras-chave: Educação. Autonomia do Indivíduo. Escola sem Partido Reflections about ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspired by the theories of Paulo Freire and Pierre BourdieuAnalyzing the theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Paulo Freire on education, as well as the academic and political position of the authors on the theme, the article intends to reflect on the project “Escola Sem Partido” and its implication in relation to the practice within the classroom. This movement, which recently gained prominence in the Brazilian scenario, is against what it calls the political and ideological indoctrination of students by teachers and the usurpation of the rights of parents in the moral and religious education of their children. It was found that in the current Brazilian scenario there is an initiative to reduce the force of critical analysis within schools. The very nature of the “Escola Sem Partido” has this premise, since the intention to discredit the teacher’s political position with his students demonstrates that the purpose is to disqualify the initiative to encourage a critical conscience. What, in many ways is discussed in the present study, contributes to the oppressed and oppressive relationship to thrive.Keywords: Education. Autonomy of the Individual. Escola sem Partido. Reflexiones sobre la ‘Escola sem Partido’ inspirada por las teorías de Paulo Freire y Pierre BourdieuRESUMENAl analizar las teorías de Pierre Bourdieu y Paulo Freire sobre educación, así como la posición académica y política de los autores sobre el tema, el artículo pretende reflexionar sobre proyecto “Escola sem Partido” y su implicación con relación a la práctica dentro del aula. Tal movimiento, que en los últimos tiempos ganó destaque en el escenario brasileño está en contra lo que llama de adoctrinamiento político e ideológico de los alumnos por parte de los profesores y la usurpación de los derechos de los padres en la educación moral y religiosa de sus hijos. Se constató que en el escenario brasileño actual existe una iniciativa de disminuir la fuerza del análisis crítico dentro de las escuelas. La propia naturaleza de la “Escola sem Partido” aporta esa premisa, pues la intención de desmerecer la posición política del profesor junto a sus alumnos demuestra que el propósito sea descalificar la iniciativa de incentivar una conciencia crítica. Lo que, de múltiples formas discutidas en el presente estudio, colabora para que la relación oprimido y opresor prospere.Palabras clave: La educación. Autonomía del individuo. Escola sem Partido.

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