scholarly journals As funções sociais da cidade e a Constituição federal de 1988: das Cartas de Atenas à ordem pluralista constitucional / The city’s social functions and the 1988 Federal Constitution: from Athens Letters to the constitutional pluralist order

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 152-174
Author(s):  
Emerson Affonso da Costa Moura
Keyword(s):  
Urban Policy ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Functions ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City

ResumoA identificação de uma noção e conteúdo das funções sociais da cidade diante da insuficiência da regulação normativa e da divergência doutrinária, que se adéque as finalidades da ordem política e a função promocional do Direito, bem como, aos bens e valores fundamentais tutelados pela ordem constitucional é o tema posto em debate. Verifica-se em que medida, as funções sociais da cidade não podem se limitar àquelas previstas nas Cartas de Atenas, mas devem abranger e concretizar igualmente os princípios, objetivos, programas, direitos e garantias constitucionais.Palavras-chave: Direito da cidade; política urbana; funções sociais da cidade; Carta de Atenas; Constituição de 1988. AbstractThe identification of a notion and content of the social functions of the city in face of the insufficiency of normative regulation and doctrinal divergence, which adapts the aims of the political order and the promotional function of Law, as well as to the fundamental goods and values protected by constitutional order is the subject of debate. It is verified to what extent, the social functions of the city cannot be limited to those provided for in the Letters of Athens, but must also encompass and concretize the constitutional principles, objectives, programs, rights and guarantees.Keywords: City law; urban policy; social functions of the city; Athens Charter; 1988 Constitution.

IPTU Progressivo no Tempo: Desenvolvimento Urbano Sustentável e a (In) Eficácia de sua Aplicação

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 211-228
Author(s):  
Bento Herculano Duarte Neto ◽  
Jane Weyne Ferreira de Menezes ◽  
Welma Maria Ferreira de Menezes
Keyword(s):  
Urban Development ◽  
Urban Policy ◽  
Sustainable Urban Development ◽  
Environmentally Sustainable ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Structural Support ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City ◽  
Over Time

This research aimed to analyze the effectiveness or not of the application of progressive IPTU (Urban property and land tax) over time in the implementation of sustainable urban development. This is a bibliographic research, made from primary and secondary sources, such as the Federal Constitution of 1988, the infra-constitutional legislation, jurisprudences and bibliographies relevant to the subject matter. With this, paths were taken that lead to the possibility of such an instrument of urban policy being considered a tribute with environmentally sustainable purposes capable of achieving sustainable urban development. In view of the legislative, doctrinal and jurisprudential analysis, its ineffectiveness of application was revealed, realizing the need for regulation and application consistent with the constitutional normative system and the City Statute, as well as structural support and capitation of civil servants, in addition to greater social participation in its control.

scholarly journals The state of public city protection movements (on the example of Barnaul)

2020 ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
Dmitrii Anatolevich Kachusov
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
City Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City

The subject of this article is the city protection movement in Barnaul. On the background of strengthening of authoritarian trends in political life of the country, takes place reorientation of the vector of civil activity from solution of the political problems of federal scale towards the local social issues. Namely the local public movements become an important element in the society of separate cities that allow the interaction between civil activists, society, and municipal authorities. The advancement of Internet and social networks greatly contributed to broadening of the audience of city protection communities, growth of opportunities for their influence upon public consciousness and government authorities. Assessment of the size, publication activity and staff composition of the city mono-problem communities in social networks in the key method for studying the city public movements. The research determined the presents of a number of organizations in Barnaul oriented toward the general questions (preservation of historical center of the city, protection of park zones, etc.), as well as solution of particular problems. The author also underlines a large portion of youth (below 30 years of age) among the members of city protection communities. Despite the fact that currently the social database is restricted, members of the communities actively participate in city life, using the Internet as an environment for public self-presentation and channel for communication with population, government, and mass media.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aled Davies
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Financial Centre ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post War ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This book is a study of the political economy of Britain’s chief financial centre, the City of London, in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher’s first Conservative government in 1979. The primary purpose of the book is to evaluate the relationship between the financial sector based in the City, and the economic strategy of social democracy in post-war Britain. In particular, it focuses on how the financial system related to the social democratic pursuit of national industrial development and modernization, and on how the norms of social democratic economic policy were challenged by a variety of fundamental changes to the City that took place during the period....

scholarly journals The Application of the Constitutional Convention in Malaysia

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Nazri Muslim ◽  
Osman Md Rasip ◽  
Khairul Hamimah Mohammad Jodi ◽  
Abdullah Ibrahim ◽  
Otong Rosadi
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Collective Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ethics ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
The Social

In Malaysia, there is no one institution that can outdo the supremacy of the Federal Constitution. Even the three government bodies that refer to the power separation doctrine which is the legislative, judiciary and executive bodies even the Yang di-Pertuan Agong are under this Federal Constitution. The constitution can be divided into two, written and non-written constitution. The written constitution is the form of constitution that is gathered and arranged in one document. The non-written counterpart encompasses all of the constitutional principles not compiled in one document such as the law endorsed by the Parliament and the verdicts of the court such as in the United Kingdom. Other than the constitution, there are certain practices that are thought to be part of the principles of the constitution. This is known as the Constitutional Convention or the customary practice of the Constitution. Constitutional convention is a non-legislative practice and it is similar to the political ethics and not enforced in court. Although it seems trivial, it is important for this practice to be complied with, otherwise it is difficult for the constitution to work successfully as the constitutional convention cannot be brought to court and forced to be obeyed. Thus, the discussion of this article rests on the constitutional convention in terms of the social contract, the appointment of the Prime Minister, the appointment of the country’s main positions and collective responsibility.

scholarly journals Pemikiran dan Peranan Sayyid Idrus Bin Salim Aljufri terhadap Perkembangan Pendidikan Islam di Manado

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Aisyiah Rasyid ◽  
Supriadi Supriadi ◽  
Siti Aisa
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Boarding School ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eastern Region ◽  
North Sulawesi ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Persecution ◽  
Social Empowerment ◽  
The City

Abstrack. As one of the scholars of the hadramain who played an important role in the development of islamic education in the eastern region of Indonesia, It is important to understand how the thinking and role of sayyid, the iraniacal bin salim aljufri, especially in the tower of the thousand churches, the city of manado. When Indonesia is beset by two themes of political persecution, fierce debate over islamic relations and countries between "secular" and religious nationalists, and the struggle between the hadrami of loyalty and integrity against the land between Indonesia or hadramaut. As one of the scholars of hadrami in the eastern region of Indonesia (kti), the old teacher did not get caught up in the political ideology of the political ideology, focusing on the movement: education, the preaching work, and the social empowerment, to the establishing of an alkhairaat islamic college in 1930. In 1934, the old master sent one of his disciples, muhammad qasim maragau for the preaching of the manado. In 1947 the official alkhairaat opened a branch in the town of manado, north sulawesi, to the rest of the istiqlal (Arab village), the following year in 1960 became a boarding school. From 1960 to 1996 the number of islamic islamic educational institutions of alkhairaate in sulut including manado steadily rises up to 167 branches, 2 of which is a boarding school located in the city of manado.Keywords:Guru Tua, Alkhairaat,Thought, role, Manado Abstrak. Sebagai salah satu ulama hadramain yang berperan penting terhadap perkembangan pendidikan Islam di Kawasan Timur Indonesia, penting kiranya untuk memahami bagaimana pemikiran dan peran Sayyid Idrus bin Salim Aljufri khususnya di wilayah Menara Seribu Gereja, Kota Manado. Ketika Indonesia dilanda oleh dua tema diskursus politik yang terjadi, yaitu perdebatan sengit tentang hubungan Islam dan negara antara kaum nasionalis “sekuler” dan nasionalis religious, dan pergumulan di kalangan Hadrami tentang loyalitas dan integritas terhadap tanah air antara Indonesia atau Hadramaut. Sebagai salah ulama Hadrami di wilayah Kawasan Timur Indonesia (KTI), Guru Tua tidak terjebak pada perdebatan ideologi politik tersebut, justru memfokuskan diri pada gerakan: pendidikan, dakwah, dan pemberdayaan sosial, hingga mendirikan sebuah perguruan Islam Alkhairaat pada tahun 1930. Pada tahun 1934, Guru Tua kemudian mengutus salah seorang muridnya, Muhammad Qasim Maragau untuk berdakwah ke Manado.Pada tahun 1947, Alkhairaat resmi membuka cabang di Kota Manado, Sulawesi Utara, tepatnya di Kelurahan Istiqlal (kampung Arab), yang selanjutnya pada tahun 1960 berkembang menjadi sebuah pondok pesantren. Sejak tahun 1960 hingga 1996 jumlah lembaga pendidikan Islam Alkhairaat di Sulut termasuk Manado terus meningkat hingga menjadi 167 cabang, 2 diantaranya adalah pondok pesantren yang berlokasi di kota Manado.Kata kunci: Guru Tua, Alkhairaat, Pemikiran, Peran, Manado.

scholarly journals Housing and living conditions of working youth in the plants of Buryat-Mongolian ASSR during the Great Patriotic War

2020 ◽  
pp. 86-93
Author(s):  
Anastasiya Nikolaevna Soboleva
Keyword(s):  
Living Conditions ◽  
Industrial Plant ◽  
The Social ◽  
Critical Problems ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Poor Nutrition ◽  
The City

The object of this research is the youth of Buryat-Mongolian ASSR as most active social group within the social structure of 1941 – 1945, which was the major source for replenishment of labor reserves. The subject of this research is the examination of core financial and social problems faced by the youth working at the defense industry plants of the republic. Special attention is given to analysis of the impact of wartime struggles and hardships upon household and food procurement. It is noted that shortage of housing, low salaries, insecure life, poor nutrition, deficit of clothing and footwear often led breach of employee discipline. The article explores the important vectors in the activity of Komsomol with regards to housing and living conditions, as well as various forms of financial and psychological incentives that promote adaptation of youth to working at the industrial plant. The scientific novelty consists in introduction into the scientific discourse of a number of previously unpublished source that were collected specifically for this research. As a result of the conducted research, it was established that working youth, who for the most part came from rural localities to the city, were put in quite difficult social and living conditions, experiencing critical problems in the process of adaptation; however, they accomplished significant labor achievements and made their contribution to the common Victory.

“The Burdens of Urban History”: Comment

1989 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 30-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ira Katznelson
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Social History ◽  
Urban History ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Critical Scholarship ◽  
The Social ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The City

How, if at all, can studies of the city help us understand the distinctive qualities of the American regime? In “The Burdens of Urban History,” which refines and elaborates his earlier paper “The Problem of the Political in Recent American Urban History,” Terrence McDonald, a historian who has written on urban fiscal policy and conflict, argues that students of the city have focused their work too narrowly on bosses and machines, patronage and pluralism. In so doing, they have obscured other bases of politics and conflict, and, trapped by liberal categories of analysis, they have perpetuated a self-satisfied, even celebratory, portrait of American politics and society. This unfortunate directionality to urban research in some measure has been unwitting because historians and social scientists have been unreflective about the genealogies, and mutual borrowings, of their disciplines. Even recent critical scholarship in the new social history and in the social sciences under the banner of “bringing the state back in” suffers from these defects. As a result, these treatments of state and society relationships, and of the themes that appear under the rubric of American “exceptionalism,” are characterized by an epistemological mish-mash, a contraction of analytical vision, and an unintended acquiescence in the self-satisfied cheerleading of the academy that began in the postwar years.

“PURGING THE ELITE” IN TYUMEN IN 1937-1938

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-192
Author(s):  
Anatoly A. KONONENKO ◽  
Artem A. Kononenko
Keyword(s):  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Collective Leadership ◽  
Effect Relationship ◽  
Security Service ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Structural Methods ◽  
The City

The political repressions of the 1930s in the USSR have repeatedly been the subject of interest of historians. Nevertheless, there are practically no studies of political repressions of the 1930s in relation to nomenklatura workers at the level of the provincial Siberian city of Tyumen. This article aims to reveal the cause-and-effect relationship in the issue of physical liquidation of the thinnest layer of the party-economic nomenklatura, using the case of the city party organization of the CPSU(b) of Tyumen in 1937-1938. We have restricted ourselves to one of the components of the “Great Terror”, namely to “purging the elite”. The research was conducted using the documents from two regional departments of the USSR Federal Security Service (FSB), former party archives of the Tyumen and Omsk regions, and periodicals. This required employing prosopographic, comparative-historical, problem-chronological, and system-structural methods. Such approach allowed clarifying the biographical data of the leaders of the city in 1936-1938 and classifying the criminal acts, incriminated to the accused. The results of a comprehensive analysis of the sources show that the cause of the personnel purge should be considered a violation of the imbalance between the limited collective leadership and the still limited one-man dictatorship of I. V. Stalin’s dictatorship. The limited collective leadership was no longer in line with the reality of one man’s increasing power. Rotation of undesirable workers as an alternative to personnel cleansing proved to be unsuccessful. The motive for repressions against workers who had never participated in the opposition was their casual contacts and acquaintances with former opposition figures described as “spies and terrorists” in 1937-1938. The party, Soviet, and Komsomol workers who had no such contacts, though subjected to repression, were rehabilitated. Finally, in terms of their educational and professional level, the new generation of city party workers did not differ from the previous one.

Marvell’s Dread of the Sword

2020 ◽  
pp. 139-179
Author(s):  
Feisal G. Mohamed
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Legal Rights ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Late Stages

For Marvell sovereignty names the brutal core of political order, where a single ruler, or body of rulers, decides on the state of exception. This recognition is visible in the early, middle, and late stages of his career, from The Picture of Little T.C. and the Villiers elegy, to the Protectorate poems, to the Advice to a Painter poems and An Account of the Growth of Popery. The last of these is illumined by consideration of the case of Shirley v. Fagg (1675); for all that Marvell aligned himself with Shaftesbury, they take different views of the case reflecting their different views of constitutional order. In his mature thought especially, we see Marvell’s impulse to advance the legal rights of the subject and so limit the damage that can be done by the sovereign wielding the power of the sword. This impulse is brought into conversation with Schmitt’s thought on the nature of the pluralist state, which he offers through a critique of Harold Laksi.

Materials for the Study of Labor and Working Class History in Italy

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kirkland
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Social History ◽  
Social Scientist ◽  
Labor History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
Working Class History ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

The subject suggested in the title is so broad as to make it rather difficult to decide what boundaries to draw around the study of various resources available to the historian or other social scientist who sets out to study labor history, the social history of Italian workers and peasants, and the political and intellectual history of socialism and other radical movements. Keeping in mind that the following discussion is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather an indication of the necessary starting point to begin an investigation is probably the best way to understand this note.

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