في تطور مفهوم الديمقراطية التوافقية وملاءمتها لحل الصراعات الطائفية : نموذجا إيرلندا ولبنان = On the Development of the Concept of Consociational Democracy and Its Adequacy for Resolving Sectarian Conflicts : Northern Ireland and Lebanon as Case Studies

2018 ◽  
Vol N.A (30) ◽  
pp. 7-23
Author(s):  
عزمي بشارة
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Stefano Baschiera

This article will offer an overview of the ever-changing relationship between the crime genre – understood as a global, transnational phenomenon – and European art cinema, with its national specificities. After a historical contextualization, this contribution focuses on the mode of production and circulation of contemporary European crime cinema by looking at two case studies of the contemporary national productions of Spain and Northern Ireland. The goal is to grasp the shifts occurring in this relationship, so understanding both the role played by the ‘auteur’ label in the distribution, commercialization, and appreciation of European crime cinema and how easily-marketable crime storylines promote the creation of new modes of authorship.


Author(s):  
Will Mason ◽  
Kate Morris ◽  
Brid Featherstone ◽  
Lisa Bunting ◽  
Gavin Davidson ◽  
...  

Abstract Research exploring inequalities in UK child welfare interventions has produced counter-intuitive findings with respect to Northern Ireland (NI). Despite experiencing the highest levels of deprivation, NI also displays the lowest rates of children in care of all the UK nations. With reference to wider evidence in the field of child welfare inequalities, this article details the findings of two exploratory mixed methods case studies, located within NI Health and Social Care Trusts. Drawing on the narratives offered by child and family social workers, a series of possible explanations for NI’s significantly lower out of home care rates are considered. We suggest the operation of intersecting factors at multiple levels, including social work systems and practices, early help systems and structures, communities and families. These findings extend understandings of NI’s out of home care rates whilst raising broader questions for social work research and practice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amaia Álvarez Berastegi ◽  
Kevin Hearty

All societies moving towards peace must establish reparation measures for victims of political violence. This is not an easy task, however; political victimhood is a controversial concept by itself and all victims of this type are mixed up with general politics from both the past and the present. In divided societies, such as Northern Ireland and the Basque Country, controversies about the definition of political victimhood reproduce old divisions from the past. Drawing on these two case studies, this research project gathers together some initial thoughts on the conceptualisation of political victimhood with regard to three different models: the harm-, blame- and context-based models. The primary contribution of the article lies in the formulation of the third model, the context-based framework.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timea Spitka

AbstractThe conditions under which multilateral international intervention are effective in ending a violent conflict is a critical question for scholars and practitioners. Scholarly studies have demonstrated the importance of a united intervention but have been in disagreement over the effectiveness of neutral versus partisan intervention. This article examines the conditions under which mediators construct a consensus on the type of intervention process. What are the factors that enable a consensus on a neutral versus a partisan intervention? Distinguishing between four types of international intervention processes – united-neutral, united-partisan, divided-partisan, and divided neutral and partisan intervention – this article argues that it is a united intervention, whether united partisan or united-neutral, that contributes to creating leverage on conflicting parties to end a conflict. The article examines consensus building among mediators within two divergent case studies: Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Grant

This article draws on the dialogue between puppetry and applied drama that arose from the AHRC Objects with Objectives Research Network in 2017‐18 to explore a tentative theory of applied puppetry. A range of theoretical approaches to applied drama are examined in the light of practical examples of applied puppetry using case studies from Northern Ireland, South Africa and Australia. Morton (2013) highlights how, in performance ‘tension between the material puppet and the imagined puppet’ gives rise to a kind of ‘double vision’ (Tillis 1992), a concept that the article considers alongside Gallagher’s (2005) distinction between body image and body schema, Brecht’s (1974) V-effekt, Meyerhold’s (1998) distinction between the materiality and agency of the actor and Boal’s (1992) idea of metaxis. The article concludes that the distancing and conductive qualities of applied puppetry often work in parallel and that the puppet can be seen as the site of metaxis when used in an applied context.


Author(s):  
Declan Long

Chapter 5 focuses on case studies of wide-ranging art projects — by Susan Philipsz, the Bbeyond collective, Phil Collins, Brian O’Doherty, Philip Napier and Mike Hogg and artist-group Factotum — that, in variously performative and relational modes, have involved staging, proposing or entering provisional situations of social encounter and collectivity. These events and interventions, it will be suggested, exhibit varying degrees of sensitivity to the challenges of the uneasy post-Troubles predicament. But in notable instances we find artists striving to make space for unorthodox perspectives and unheard voices, asking what it might mean to be part of a ‘public’ in post-Troubles Northern Ireland, and attempting to making visible — often in understated, ambiguous or anxious ways — what might otherwise remain hidden.  


Author(s):  
Lizzie Seal ◽  
Maggie O’Neill

This chapter focuses specifically on the issue of space, place, violence and transgression drawing on case studies in Canada and Northern Ireland. ‘Imagining spaces of violence and transgression in Vancouver and Northern Ireland’ focuses first of all on the lives of indigenous women and sex workers in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES). For 26 years, on 14 February, Valentine’s Day, women of the DTES have led a memorial march through the city, stopping at the places and spaces where women were murdered or went missing. The chapter draws on material from walking methods, participatory photographs and interviews with women who attended the march in 2016 to examine spaces of past, present and future in their lives. Continuing the theme of the construction and impact of space and borders explored in the previous chapter, this chapter also examines the history of the ‘peace walls’, ‘peace lines’ or ‘border lines’ in Belfast in the context of spaces of war, violence and conflict in Northern Ireland. Specifically,the ‘architecture of conflict’ is explored through criminological scholarship on the conflict in Northern Ireland. As with the Vancouver case study, arts-based walking methods are utilised that explore these border spaces through sensory, kinaesthetic, multi-modal research with citizens of Belfast.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-123
Author(s):  
Eduardo Wassim Aboultaif

This article revisits the concept of semi-consociational democracy and distinguishes it from full consociationalism. Semi-consociationalism features just two of the characteristics of full consociationalism, proportionality and segmental autonomy, and exists without strong grand coalitions and veto powers. The case studies of prewar Lebanon and post-invasion Iraq demonstrate this new category of power sharing, which relies on three conditions: concentration of executive powers in the presidential office (prewar Lebanon) or premiership (post-invasion Iraq), communal hegemony in the system, and communal control over the armed forces. Full consociationalism then is mistakenly blamed for democratic failure in these two case studies.


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