scholarly journals Determinants of hourly wages inequality in selected European metropolises. The results from the multilevel modelling

Equilibrium ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 853
Author(s):  
Edyta Łaszkiewicz

The aim of this paper is the identification of the hourly wages heterogeneity in the sample of individuals living in 35 European metropolitan areas. Additionally, we evaluated factors which determine spatial variability. For this purpose, we applied Mincer-type multilevel models for the micro data from the European Social Survey (2010). To delimit metropolitan areas we used Urban Audit’s Larger Urban Zones. Our results suggest the greatest impact of cross-country differences in explaining metropolitan variation of wages. We confirmed the gender pay gap equal to 10-11%, the wage premium from permanent contracts (7-10%) and being responsible for supervising other workers (16%). The importance of workers and firms characteristics was proved both for individual-level and metro-level differences. It might suggests the part of inequalities between metropolises is connected with different composition of workers’ skills in each metropolis and spatial sorting. Finally, we found that unexplained (by such attributes) proportion of variability across metropolises might be the result of agglomeration effects. The positive impact of Jacobs externalities was found, while we did not confirm the existence of Marshall externalities.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daphne Halikiopoulou ◽  
Tim Vlandas

AbstractThis article contests the view that the strong positive correlation between anti-immigration attitudes and far right party success necessarily constitutes evidence in support of the cultural grievance thesis. We argue that the success of far right parties depends on their ability to mobilize a coalition of interests between their core supporters, that is voters with cultural grievances over immigration and the often larger group of voters with economic grievances over immigration. Using individual level data from eight rounds of the European Social Survey, our empirical analysis shows that while cultural concerns over immigration are a stronger predictor of far right party support, those who are concerned with the impact of immigration on the economy are important to the far right in numerical terms. Taken together, our findings suggest that economic grievances over immigration remain pivotal within the context of the transnational cleavage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (6) ◽  
pp. 435-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Shore ◽  
Carolin Rapp ◽  
Daniel Stockemer

Health affects nearly all facets of our lives, including the likelihood of getting involved in politics. Focusing on political efficacy, we zoom in on one potential mechanism as to why people in poor health might, for example, stay at home on Election Day. We first look at the ways in which health is related to both people’s perceptions of their abilities to take part in politics (internal political efficacy) as well as the extent to which they believe policymakers are responsive to citizen needs (external political efficacy). Second, we examine how the social policy context intervenes in the relationship between health and political efficacy. Multilevel models using 2014 and 2016 European Social Survey data on roughly 57,000 respondents nested in 21 European countries reveal complex results: while good health, rather unsurprisingly, fosters internal and external political efficacy, more generous welfare states, though associated with higher levels of political efficacy, are not a panacea for remedying political inequalities stemming from individual health differences.


2019 ◽  
pp. 001139211989065
Author(s):  
Regina Jutz

Poverty, a risk factor for ill health, could be alleviated by generous welfare states. However, do generous social policies also reduce the health implications of socio-economic inequalities? This study investigates how minimum income protection is associated with socio-economic health inequalities. The author hypothesises that higher benefit levels are associated with lower health inequalities between income groups. Minimum income benefits support the people most in need, and therefore should improve the health of the lowest income groups, which in turn would reduce overall health inequalities. This hypothesis is tested with the European Social Survey (2002–2012) and the SaMip dataset using three-level multilevel models, covering 26 countries. The results show a robust relationship between benefit levels and individual self-rated health. However, the hypothesis of reduced health inequalities is not completely supported, since the findings for the cross-level interactions between income quintiles and benefit levels differ for each quintile.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 336-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Márton Hadarics

We investigated how attitudes towards social equality can influence the relationship between conservation motivation (or openness) and personal ideological preferences on the left-right dimension, and how this relationship pattern differs between Western and Central & Eastern European (CEE) respondents. Using data from the European Social Survey (2012) we found that individual-level of conservation motivation reduces cultural egalitarianism in both the Western European and the CEE regions, but its connection with economic egalitarianism is only relevant in the CEE region where it fosters economic egalitarianism. Since both forms of egalitarianism were related to leftist ideological preferences in Western Europe, but in the CEE region only economic egalitarianism was ideologically relevant, we concluded that the classic “rigidity of the right” phenomenon is strongly related to cultural (anti)egalitarianism in Western Europe. At the same time, conservation motivation serves as a basis for the “rigidity of the left” in the post-socialist CEE region, in a great part due to the conventional egalitarian economic views.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 766-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler

A large body of aggregate-level work shows that government policies do indeed respond to citizen preferences. But whether citizens recognize that government is responsive is another question entirely. Indeed, a prior question is whether or not citizens value responsiveness in the way that academic research assumes they should in the first place. Using comparative data from the European Social Survey, this article examines how citizens see government responsiveness. We show that several key assumptions of the aggregate-level literature are met at the individual level. But we also present results that show that attitudes toward representation and responsiveness are colored, sometimes in quite surprising ways, by winner–loser effects. In a finding that stands in some contrast to the normative literature on the topic, we show that these sorts of short-term attitudes help shape preferences for models of representation. In particular, we show that the distinction between delegates and trustees is a conceptual distinction that has limits in helping us to understand citizen preferences for representation.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Stephany

Trust explains the functioning of markets, institutions or society as a whole. It is a key element in almost every commercial transaction over time and might be one of the main explanations of economic success and development. In Europe, the determinants of (generalized) trust have been investigated in the past. Most scholars have focused on aggregate (national) levels of trust. However, it can be assumed that driving forces, which foster or diminish trust, act at a sub-national level. Regional clusters remain undetected. With the use of the European Social Survey 6 and modern spatial diagnostics, this work examines the individual and regional determinants of trust in 88 European NUTS1 regions in 26 countries. There are two main findings. First, wealth, linguistic fragmentation, and religious ideologies shape trust on a regional level, education, income, and membership in associations foster trust on an individual level. Secondly, the study unravels regional dispersions in different types of "trust regimes" in Europe. Regional clusters of generalized trust are confirmed by spatial diagnostics. The "regionality" of trust could be of importance for future targeted policy making.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Paul Heisig ◽  
Merlin Schaeffer

Mixed effects multilevel models are often used to investigate cross-level interactions, a specific type of context effect that may be understood as an upper-level variable moderating the association between a lower-level predictor and the outcome. We argue that multilevel models involving cross-level interactions should always include random slopes on the lower-level components of those interactions. Failure to do so will usually result in severely anti-conservative statistical inference. Monte Carlo simulations and illustrative empirical analyses highlight the practical relevance of the issue. Using European Social Survey data, we examine a total 30 cross-level interactions. Introducing a random slope term on the lower-level variable involved in a cross-level interaction, reduces the absolute t-ratio by 31% or more in three quarters of cases, with an average reduction of 42%. Many practitioners seem to be unaware of these issues. Roughly half of the cross-level interaction estimates published in the European Sociological Review between 2011 and 2016 are based on models that omit the crucial random slope term. Detailed analysis of the associated test statistics suggests that many of the estimates would not meet conventional standards of statistical significance if estimated using the correct specification. This raises the question how much robust evidence of cross-level interactions sociology has actually produced over the past decades.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 471-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Shore

Although it is no longer a symbol of socially degenerate behavior in many societies, single motherhood remains associated with numerous risks and disadvantages. In addition to their disadvantages in the labor market and their greater risk of poverty, single mothers also tend to be less politically active. This article explores the patterns of single mothers’ electoral participation across 25 European countries. In addition to the individual-level characteristics that shape the likelihood of taking part in an election, public policies can also do a great deal to encourage political involvement. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey combined with national family and labor market policies, I examine the ways in which policies aiming to reconcile the responsibilities at work and home can draw single mothers into political engagement. I find that early childhood expenditures and cash benefits to families are positively related to single mothers’ political participation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147737082110396
Author(s):  
Glenn D Walters

The current study sought to integrate aspects of classic strain and institutional anomie theories with concepts from deterrence and rational choice theories for application in a large sample of European respondents. Participants were 52,458 individuals (55% female, average age = 48 years) from the fifth round of the 27-country European Social Survey. Each participant rated their involvement in three relatively minor offenses (false insurance claims, buying stolen property, and traffic offenses) over the past five years along with their perceived certainty of getting caught and punished should they commit one or more of these prohibited acts. Each country's total 2010 Index of Economic Freedom score was also included in the study as a level 2 variable in a two-level multilevel modeling analysis. Consistent with predictions, participants from countries with higher Index of Economic Freedom scores displayed a significantly stronger connection between certainty of punishment and involvement in minor offending than participants from lower Index of Economic Freedom countries. An additional individual-level variable, the marketized mentality, was also included in the analysis and while it correlated with minor offending, it failed to interact with the Index of Economic Freedom or alter free market cultural ethos moderation of the certainty-offending relationship. These findings suggest that individuals living in a country with a strong free market cultural ethos are more apt to incorporate rational choice principles like certainty into their crime-related decisions than individuals residing in a country with a weaker free market cultural ethos.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 504-510
Author(s):  
Gerd Inger Ringdal ◽  
Kristen Ringdal

Aims: An increasing number of people in Europe are living with cancer, either as an active disease or as a past experience. Depressive symptoms may impair quality of life in cancer patients and may constitute increased risks for disability, as well as being a risk factor for increased mortality. Our study compared self-reported symptoms of depression in people who currently or previously have experienced cancer with self-reported symptoms of depression in the general population. Methods: Our study was based on data from the European Social Survey 2014, with representative samples from 19 countries. Depression was measured by an eight-item CES-D Scale, with a cut-point of a mean score of 2 to indicate depression. Multilevel modelling was used to examine the relationship between cancer status and depression. Results: Respondents who at the time of the interview reported to have cancer were more likely to report symptoms above the cut-point on the depression scale than people who never had experienced cancer (unadjusted odds ratio (ORunadjusted)=2.59; 95% confidence interval (CI) 2.20–3.06; and ORadjusted=2.00; 95% CI 1.70–2.36). The difference was smaller comparing people who previously had experienced cancer to people who never had experienced cancer (ORunadjusted=1.46; 95% CI 1.19–1.79; and ORadjusted=1.28; 95% CI 1.05–1.55). The differences in depression by cancer status did not vary among the welfare state regimes. Conclusions: Respondents with a cancer disease showed a substantial elevated risk of depression after adjusting for a range of potential confounders. Respondents who had recovered also showed significantly higher adjusted risk of depression than respondents who had never experienced cancer.


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